Acting emotions

Konijn, Elly

2000

Amsterdam University Press

Actors and actresses play characters such as the embittered Medea, or the lovelorn Romeo, or the grieving and tearful Hecabe. The theatre audience holds its breath, and then sparks begin to fly. But what about the actor? Has he been affected by the emotions of the character he is playing? What's going on inside his mind? The styling of emotions in the theatre has been the subject of heated debate for centuries. In fact, Diderot in his Paradoxe sur le comedien, insisted that most brilliant actors do not feel anything onstage. This greatly resembles the detached acting style associated with Bertolt Brecht, which, in turn, stands in direct opposition to the notion of the empathy-oriented "emotional reality" of the actor which is most famously associated with the American actingstyle known as method acting. The book's survey of the various dominant acting styles is followed by an analysis of the current state of affairs regarding the psychology of emotions. By uniting the psychology of emotions with contemporary acting theories, the author is able to come to the conclusion that traditional acting theories are no longer valid for today's actor. Acting Emotions throws new light on the age-old issue of double consciousness, the paradox of the actor who must nightly express emotions while creating the illusion of spontaneity. In addition, the book bridges the gap between theory and practice by virtue of the author's large-scale field study of the emotions of professional actors. In Acting Emotions, the responses of Dutch and Flemish actors is further supplemented by the responses of a good number of American actors. The book offers a unique view of how actors act out emotions and how this acting out is intimately linked to the development of contemporary theatre.

The arts; Theatre studies; Society & social sciences; Psychology

English

9789053564448

10.5117/9789053564448

ACTI NG EMOTIONS

Acting Emotions
shaping Emotions on stage

ELLY A. KONIJN
TRANSLATED BY BARBARA LEACH WITH DAVID CHAMBERS

AMSTERDAM UNIVERSITY PRESS

Original title: A,tmn en Emoties (Amsterdam/Meppel, Boom, 1997)
The translation ofthis book from Dutch into English has been made possible by a grant from the
Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO).
Cover illustration; Bakchanten (Euripides), directed by Jiirgen Gosch,Tonee1groep Amsterdam 1999.
Photo: Serge Ligtenberg
Cover design; Crasborn Grafisch Ontwerpers bno, Valkenburg aan de Geul
Lay-out; Magenta, Amsterdam
ISBNgo53S6444 6
© E. A. Konijn and Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam, woo

All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this
book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any
form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without
the written permission ofboth the copyright owner and the author ofthis book.

Contents

Acting Emotions - An American Context 8
Preface by David Chambers

1.3
1.4
1.5

Acting emotions: Introduction , 3
Introduction: Does Dustin Really Cty? What About Meryl?
Editing Acrin,g Emotions 14
WhatThis Book is About: Acting and Emotions IS
What This Book is Not About: Limiting the Subject 17
Acknowledgments 19

2

The Paradox Considered

2.1

2.3
2·4
2.5

Introduction: From Paradox to the Actor's Dilemma
Diderot's Paradoxe 22
A Short History ofParadoxe sur le Comidien 24
Problematic Terms 29
The Actor's Dilemma 30

2.6

Levels ofEnactment and Emotions

2·7

Summary

3
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3-5
3.6

Acting Styles 36
Introduction: Different Views on Acting
The Style ofInvolvement 36
The Style ofDetachment 39
The Style ofSelf-Expression 4I

LI
1.2

2.2

3-7

3-8
3-9

11

34

Solutions for the Dilemma 45
Acting Tasks 47
Emotions ofthe Actor-Craftsman
Actor and Audience 53
Summary 54

5

33

SI

36

21

13

4
4.1
4.2
4.3
404
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8
4.9
4.10

Emotions and Acting 56
Introduction: General Human Emotions 56
Sadness is Contained in the Situation 56
The Emotions ofCharacters 58
Task-Emotions and Task Concerns 61
Components in the Task Situation 64
A Precarious Balance 67
Impulses and Control Precedence 70
Expressions ofTask-Emotions 72
Regulation by Design 75
Summary 77

5
5.1
5.2
5.3
5-4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
5.9

Imagination and Impersonation 79
Introduction: Character Representation 79
Acting Character-Emotions 80
InvolvingOneselfin Characters-Emotions 84
Opposing Concerns, Components, and Impulses
Spontaneous and Imagined Emotions 93
Believability ofEmotional Expressions 96
Imitation and Physiological Reactions 98
Double Consciousness During Acting WI
Summary 102

6
6.,
6.,

6·7
6.8

Actors in Practice 104
Introduction: From Theory to Practice
Overview ofFie1d Studies with Actors
The Questionnaire Mixed PulinEs III
Hypotheses and General Expectations
Research Method 114
From Theory to Questionnaire 116
Structure ofthe Questionnaire II7
Summary 121

7
7.1
7.2
7.3
7-4
7.5
7.6
7.7
7.8
7.9
7.10

Professional Actors, Emotions, and Performing Styles 123
Introduction: Assimilating the Answers 123
Characteristics ofResponding Actors and Performances 124
Emotions Pretended on Stage 126
Emotions ofActors and Characters I29
Acting Styles and Emotions 131
Professional Actors and Task-Emotions 134
Emotions, Impulses, and Physical Reactions 137
Personal Acting Styles and Acting Styles ofTop Actors 140
Preparation, Public, and Believability 142
Summary 144

6·3
6·4

6·5
6.6

6

88

m

INHOUD

8
8.l
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7

Actors Have Emotions and Act Emotions 146
Introduction: Development ofTheory on Acting Emotions
Evaluation ofthe Research Method l47
Actors Have Task-Emotions I50
Actors Act Character-Emotions I52
The Function ofTask-Emotions 154
Aspects ofActing Styles 157
AModel ofthe Acting Process 16I
Notes 164
References
Appendix

'77
'93

Glossary 195
List of Illustrations 201
Index 203
About the Author 209

7

l46

Acting Emotions· An American Context

Fog banks of sanctimonious mystification, pyscho-jargon, aod charlatanism obscure
the craft ofacting in both Europe and the US. With Acting Emotions, Or. EUy Konijn, once

an actress-in-training, now a research psychologist, intends to burn off the mysteries,
misapprehensions, and pseudo-theories that obfuscate the actor's art. Her focus, from
a cognitive scientist's viewpoint, is on Diderot's 'actor's paradox'; Should the emotions
of the actor coincide with the emotions ofthe character, or should they not? More fundamentally, can they coincide? If not, what then? Currently in its second Dutch printing, Actin,g Emotions brings welcome lucidity, exhaustive research, and a structural para-

digm to these and other questions about an art that has been analyzed, for the most
part, by self-aggrandizing anecdote (cf. Actors on Artin,g, The Actor Speaks, etc.).
This English-language edition ofActin,g Emotions contains previously unpublished onsite research undertaken in the United States, including investigations deep inside the
jaws ofthe lion: The Actor's Studio. While Dr. Konijn's investigations are by no means
limited to practitioners of Stanislavskian acting principles, it is inside Stanislavsky's
'system' and later Strasberg's 'Method' that the model of the actor's real and the character's supposed emotions dynamically coinciding is idealized. In mainstream American acting, the enmeshing of actor and character into a unified emotional complex is
the primary - all too often the only - goal. It is the extraordinary achievement of Dr.
Konijn to prove that for the actor onstage in front of an audience, no such thing as
'character empathy' occurs - many other things do occur, but not that. A near-century
of misconceptions about acting and associated bad training techniques is here rectified. The foundation for a much-needed new theory ofacting is here laid.
But why is a new perspective on acting necessary? Because in America, acting is the
only artistic undertaking that has not experienced generational renaissance during the
past century. Music, dance, poetry, painting - any art popularly practiced in the US in
modern times - has undergone frequent aesthetic renewal, even revolution. Except acting. Acting in America looks pretty much the same as it did in the mid-1930'S - no
other American artistic practice has remained so pridefully resistant to change. In its
inherent conservatism, American acting has held captive much ofplaywrighting, stage
directing, film and television, and the ever-aging, diminishing audiences at live thea8

ACTI NG EMOTIONS - AN AMERICA,N CONTEXT

ters. The talon~like grip ofemotionally 'realistic' acting on the American theater (and
cinema) urgently needs prying loose.
Some history. As imperiously as Freud, Darvvin, Marx, or Mendel stand in their respec~
tive fields, Konstantin Stanislavsky looms as the towering progenitor of his. In common with these aforementioned brethren, Stanislavsky's theories grew out of the liberal humanist, rationalist intellectual culture of Europe in the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. Seeking 'a science of acting' based on 'inner truth,' Stanislavsky
set off on a lifetime of evolutionary theorizing and attendant experiments. While his
sole objective of seeking 'truth on stage' never varied, Stanislavsky made numerous
tactical adjustments in technique as he obsessively pursued his elusive goal. Ultimately
he gave up directing plays altogether; his rehearsals became a pretext for exploring the
actor's quest for emotional truth. By his final years, as he developed his 'method of
physical actions' (1936-38), Stanislavsky was blithely renouncing his former experi~
ments with affective recollection.
But it was indeed his early work, particularly that involving 'emotion memory' that
grafted so tenaciously in the United States. The first ofStanislavsky's disciples to arrive
in the US, Richard Boleslavsky, emigrated to New York in 1922, saturated in the intensive work on emotional recall that The Master was later to reject and abandon. The
following year, the Moscow Art Theater itself arrived in America for a nation-wide
barnstorm lasting several months. The repertoire consisted ofrwenty year-old, emotion-laden productions ofChekov's The Three Sisters and The Chmy Orchard, followed by
Gorky's The Lawer Depths. In 1924, Stanislavsky's rambling autobiography My Life in Art
was published in the US; the book is overburdened with the author's self~excoriation
for his inability to consistently capture and bottle the elusive vapors of emotional truth
onstage.
Cultural temperament played a major role in America's impassioned embrace of these
Russian experiments. Stanislavsky's system, in whatever variant (and despite its constant call for collaboration), is finally resolutely focused on the American topic: The individual and his/her autonomous will. Moreover, underlying the system and its pre~
sumed 'universality' is the premise of democratic essentialism: Yeoman or aristocrat,
immigrant or gentry, pale or dark we are all composed of the same immaterial
essences, spiritual and emotional. In short, [he American narrative ofautonomous individualists pressing ever forward in a classless humanist society is reinforced. The
added fact that much ofStanislavsky's vocabulary included pseudo-sacred nomenclature such as 'communion' and 'spiritual' helped to sanctifY the system in America.
Sitting in Boleslavsky's classes, studying vintage Stanislavsky tenets such as 'inner
concentration' and 'memory of emotion,' were Stella Adler, Harold Clurman, and Lee
Strasberg, the three prime founders of The Group Theater which self-consciously
modeled itself on The Moscow Art Theater. From the outset, Strasberg served as both
instructor ofacting and principal director ofThe Group. In both pursuits his singular
9

focus was on 'true emotion'; The generation of'real' (i.e., authentic and personalized)
emotions. Once he/she is internally aroused, the actor must passionately 'live through'
those emotions that are imagined to be experienced by the character being portrayed.
In 1934, SteIla Adler returned from a month of intensive meetings with Stanislavsky in
Paris. She bore news that The Group was misusing affective memory exercises by
overemphasizing personalized emotional circumstances. Strasberg trumped her in a
fuU-company meeting by intimating that, for the American actor, what he - Strasberghad to teach was preferable to whatever Stanislavsky might now be espousing.
The Group was soon to conflagrate over the AdlerlStrasberg clash and other incendiary
artistic issues. Many phoenixes - institutions and personal careers - arose from the
ashes. The most spectacular and influential of these was Strasberg's Actor's Studio,
where his fierce personality and zealous advocacy of personalized emotional memory
forged something between an acting technique and a cult ofcelebrity. A generation of
exceptionally talented, libidinal, idiosyncratic actors - Paul Newman, James Dean,
Marlon Brando, Joanne Woodward, Geraldine Page, Kim Stanley, to name but a fewpassed through The Studio and soon became the stars of their day. Suddenly Method
Acting (always capitalized in Studio literature) was acting. Everything else was inau~
thentic and superficial.
But whatever the successes ofStrasberg's celebrated pupils, their triumphs were mostly in film, a visual medium where quirky, charismatic personality, short sustained
bursts of emotion, inward focus, and no small measure of sexuality play best. Conversely, Strasberg's profoundly misguided and astonishingly self-serving plundering
ofStanislavsky's experiments has probably done more damage to the American theater
than any other single factor including the arrival of television, censorship, or inflated
ticket prices. A narrowly-focused, narcissistic style ofacting, all built around 'emotional truth,' has dominated American stages since the 1950'S. Privileging inner life over
outer form, psychoanalysis over textual analysis, infantile self-absorption over mature
observation ofhuman nature and society, the Method has at its hollow core the essentially conundrumic supposition that an actor can form an empathetic, affective transference with a set ofglyphs on paper called a character.
We are now several artistic generations past the heyday of the Studio and the Method.
In that time, an extraordinary American avant-garde theater movement, born in great
measure as a refutation of Studio ideology, has had international impact. Numerous
university conservatories have added rigorous physical and vocal training to their acting curriculums. Intercultural theater has increasingly brought non-representational
acting strategies onstage. Nonetheless much American theater training retains a
dogma of hydraulic causality; Emotion creates action, action creates character, and
character creates theater. Ergo, personalized emotional truth remains the inner Holy
Grail for the American actor.

"

ACTING EMOTIONS - AN AM ERICAN CONTEXT

However, there is a dirty little secret of the mainstream American acting profession:
Even the most talented actors will admit that the kind of emotional coincidence with
their characters that they have been taught is the essence ofacting never actually happens to them onstage. Emotional things happen, yes. But not emotional identification
with character. At least not in performance - briefly in rehearsal, maybe - but not live in
front ofan audience.
This revelation raises at least four questions:
I. Why is the actor in performance not experiencing inner emotional alignments
with the character being portrayed?
2. Ifnot character empathy, what actually is the actor experiencing?
3. How does what the actor actually experiences convert to performance energy?
4. In the best ofcases (e.g., a good performance), how does the actor beguile the audience into a beliefthat the he/she is truly 'feeling' his/her character?
These are the questions Dr. Konijn has pursued so vigorously and thoroughly. Her research spans years ofcomprehensive investigations. Using advanced cognitive science
techniques, Dr. Konijn developed an intricate survey for actors that posed fundamental
questions in numerous disguised elaborations - ultimately the subject's true response
to a situation was teased out. The resulting data, be it European or American, overwhelmingly affirmed the abundant presence what Dr. Konijn's classifies as 'task emotions' (emotions related to the 'doing' of acting), and a complete absence of so-called
character identification. Fully replacing presumed (haracter-emotions, Dr. Konijn identifies equally powerful and authentic actor-emotions related to challenge ('positive stress')
and the gratification oftask-fulfillment. For further validation of her discoveries, Dr.
Konijn 'wired' certain actors during performance, including one Dutch actress portraying a metabolically introspective, melancholic character. The result?
Durin,g [her] monolo,gues the heart rate reached extrem!'S of180 beats per minute. By comparison,
a person at rest has an avera,ge pulse of6o beats per minute and a pararhute jumper's pulse rea rhes 140 beats per minute just prior to jumpin,g.
Clearly something other than character identification was occurring for this actress.
We are challenged to speculate that the inner life ofthe onstage actor may be far more
allied to bungee-jumping than it is to Stanislavskian character identification.
In Acting Emotions we are regularly provoked by such propositions. I expect this book
will arouse profound admiration in some quarters, sighs ofreliefin others, and offended ire elsewhere. It will certainly disturb some far-too-long-held shibboleths about the
actor's art. Good. If nothing else, Acting Emotions will liberate innumerable actors from
the self-punishing sense of'l must be doing something wrong.' Good again. But, it is
even possible that Actin,g Emotions can play a major role in re-vitalizing what has
become, for the most part, a deadly art form - the American theater. Let us hope.

"

Whatever the reactions, whatever the utilitarian consequences, Acting Emotions can only
help to stimulate a sorely needed conversation in the American theater. We are the beneficiaries ofDr. ElIy Konijn's bold and scientific probing into this most public, but profoundly under-examined, area; The onstage life ofthe actor.
David Chambers
Professor ofActing and Directing
Yale School ofDrama

1

Acting Emotions: Introduction
I will be brief.

Do you believe that there is any controversial issue, given equally strong
arguments for and against, which remains unresolved?
DENIS 01 DEIl.OT ('98o, 45)

1.1

Introduction: Does Dustin Really Cry? What About MeryH

For centuries actors have tried to make their characters as believable as possible, indeed so convincing that the audience no longer sees the actor, but believes that the actor
is the character. In the theater and related studies, how best to achieve this goal has
long been the subject ofinrense debate. The central question in the controversy is the
relationship between the emotions of the character with those of the actor. Should
these coincide or should they not? The portrayal ofemotions is a critical component of
acting, and also seems to be one ofthe most difficult and complex tasks ofthe actor. In
ancient Greek texts we read how the actors struggled with the problem ofmaking their
characters seem as real as possible. The renowned Greek actor Polus carried an urn
containing his own son's ashes on stage with him to insure 'real' despair. How does
the actress make the audience believe she is Medea, murderer of her three children?
Should the actor attempt to arouse similar feelings in him- or herself or is it better to
leave that to the audience? Again in ancient texts we read that one audience was so subsumed by the drama that alter the performance they lay in wair for the 'villain' to teach
him a lesson. Plutarch (46-120 A.D.) asks himself why we become agitated when we
hear voices which are authentically furious, gloomy or afraid, whereas we are enraptured when we hear actors imitate those same emotions.
At the end of the eighteenth century the French philosopher Denis Diderot wrote
Paradoxe sur le Comidien. Diderot takes an extreme stance in the solution of the actors'
dilemma, claiming that a great actor should feel nothing at all during his performance,
and only then is he or she able to elicit the strongest emotions from the audience.
Diderot put the relationship between the quality of acting and the actor's emotional
sensitivity in these terms: 'Extreme sensitivity makes actors mediocre; average sensitivity makes masses of actors bad; an absolute lack offeeling is the basis for those who
reach the highest leveL'! Becoming emotional or being moved by a performance appears to be one of the most important criteria an audience uses to gauge a performance; whether or not the actor him- or herselfmust become emotional is the point of
contention. This debate has continued since the Paradoxe appeared: Over time new
voices have joined in on the issue known as 'the emotional paradox'. At the end of the
nineteenth century, Constant Coquelin stood as a staunch defender ofDiderot against
the fervent emotionalist William Archer. In our centmy, Konstantin Stanislavsky
'3

and Bertolt Brecht take diametrically opposed
Oustin Hoff',"an decided 10 slay awake for )6 hours 10
feel
just like his charilcler Babe levy. According 10 Iht
views on the subject of the emotions of actor
scripl
ofthe film Marathon Man he had nol seen a bed for
and character. Indeed, contemporary discusIhree days. When Hoff'man's co-sur ta.wrence Olivier
sions about acting are consistently related to
heard this , he remarked wf')'ly: 'Have you nOI slepH Oh ,
the paradox. It is therefore the starting poi n t for
dea r boy, why don't you just ;>cl1'
the dissertation on acting in this book.
(Huf')' Hosman. dt Vollrskronl, lune IS. 1991)
Such conflicting statements made today indicate that the problem Diderot posed two centuries ago remains relevant, Contemporary theater reviews, among other sources,
make this clear. They contain vivid examples ofthe dilemma which actors still confront
in their profession. Is sensitivity incompatible with great acting as the quotes (in the
boxes) would suggest and as Diderot proposes in Paradoxe sur le Comidien? Must an actor
keep a cool head while the audience expects larger-than-life emotions from him? Are
actors too involved in 'managing' their performance to actually be 'deeply touched'?
Can actors feel emotions and act them at the same time; can emotion converge with
reason? Is this a matter ofmystery orthe key component of'trade secrets'? Discussions
about the relationship ofthe emotions ofthe actor with those ofthe character go to the
heart ofthe art ofacting. They are the subject ofthis book.
Actin.g Emotions will set out a theoretical analysis ofhow emotions are performed and
examine this theory in practice. Using a present-day analytical approach I will try to unravel the paradox. Opinions drawn from current acting theories will be combined with
contemporary viewpoints about emotions drawn from the field of psychology. This
synthetic approach , rarely employed until now, provides new insight into the nature
and design ofemotions on stage. I questioned about three hundred professional actors
and actresses in the Netherlands, Flanders (the Dutch speaking portion of Belgium),
and the United States about how they shape their characters. Their answers form the
basis for examining assumptions that are derived from acting theory. They show how
practicing actors 'get into' their characters.
1.2

Editing Acting Emotions

The content of this book Acting Emotions is a translation of Arterel1 en Emoties (1997),
which was largely based on the first Dutch edition Actwrs Spelen Emoties by Elly Konijn,
published in 1994. The Netherlands Public Broadcasting based a 55-minute documentary with the same title 00 this publication (directed by Krijn ter Braak, NPS, August
1995). The second book Acteren en Emoties (I997) was written (when the first book sold
out) because there was interest in a version using less scholarly language, and because
the first book was based solely on the results ofa survey among Dutch actors. The most
important differences between the first and second book are as follows:
Acting Emotions includes the results of a survey of numerous professional actors in
the United States. A central idea developed in the first Dutch edition - task-emotion
theory - was developed to a great extent by the results ofa survey ofDutch and Flemish
actors and actresses. Because acting training in the Netherlands differs greatly from
that in the United States, itwas necessary to re-test these ideas to see ifthey were peculiar to a Dutch, or European context. By repeating the study on a large scale and in a
'4

ACTING EMOTIONS: INTRODUCTION

comparable manner in the United States, it was possible to gain a broadet, more international perspective on the task-emotion theory.
In writing the second edition, I wanted to respond to the demand for an accessible
book about acting which would also be suitable for theater schools and acting teachers. Actin8 Emotions has been stripped of much 'scholarly' detail and the writing is
considerably simpler. In-depth theoretical explanations, in particular extensive foundations for theoretical presumptions are restricted. With this edition, I have kept the
theater professional in mind: One who wishes to learn more about styles ofacting and
the acting ofemotions, not in terms ofpractical exercises, but in a theoretical context.
To this end, I have also consulted theater professionals and acting teachers.
In presenting the results of the survey of professional actors (chapter 7) I have not
included tables. In the body ofthis revised text, the complex results ofstatistical analyses have been explained in simplified language. These results, based on information
on acting styles and emotions given by the professional actors surveyed, are illustrated
using basic graphs.
A final important adaptation is that Actina Emotions is complemented by illustrative
text. The boxes contain quotations or photographs, extra commentary and explanations of textual elements. Significant terms are explicated and examples of questions
from actors are given. The boxes also include briefbiographical sketches ofimportant
figures, such as Stanislavsky, Brecht, Brook, and others. Finally, a glossary has been
added with definitions ofthe most complex terms.

1.3

What This Book is About: Acting and Emotions

As stated above, the most contentious debates about acting can be traced back to Diderot's Paradoxe sur le Comedien. Therefore, my theoretical argument begins with an
account ofwhat Diderot could have meant by his paradox. To do this it is necessary to
position it in the context of the eighteenth century. Next follows a discussion of how
current acting methods relate to the paradox, confining myself to main streams. Consequently, the focus is on distinguished methods for character acting and the way each
method resolves the actor's dilemma. Acting styles tending toward emotional involvement are generally associated with the Russian director Konstantin Stanislavsky and
even more strongly with the American method artin.9 of Lee Strasberg and The Actors
Studio. The more 'detached' acting styles are generally associated with Bertolt Brecht's
epic theater and its predecessorVsevolod Meyerhold's 'bio-mechanical' acting. A third
approach can be called 'self-expression'. Here the expression of the innermost selfis
key, as in the work ofPeter Brook and Jerzy Grotowski.
While examining the literature on the art of acting, in chapters two and three, a
problem arises which Diderot initially described as follows: •.. .in the technical language of the theater there is such a considerable margin, a vagueness which permits
reasonable people, with diametrically opposed viewpoints, to believe they have detected the light ofself-evidence. '2 Thus, the influential drama teacher Lee Strasberg can attest that Srecht's intention with his 'alienated' acting was the same as Strasberg's own
with method actin,g. Those who fail to see this equivalency, according to Strasberg, have
not realty understood Brecht: ' ...both adherents and detractors of Brecht misunder'5

stood him' (1988: 195). Elsewhere we read equally fervent arguments that they were on
opposite ends ofthe spectrum. In still other treatises we are told that their acting styles
differ only subtly from one another.
Nevertheless, the American director and performance theorist, Richard Schechner,
says that there (is in plain fact no basic methodology or vocabulary ofacting; no means
by which scholars, teachers , and practitioners can fruitfully (and with some objectivity)
discuss acting' . He sees Stanislavsky's terminology and method as a start. But, he adds,
'the System is not systematic: It is not a psychology of acting or of the actor; it is not a
basic set ofterms and methods which tells us what acting is, how the actor works, and in
what context good acting flourishes' (Schechner I964: 2IO).
On similar grounds Constantinidis argues the need for empirical research based on
the hypotheses and models developed in the study and practice oftheater. He says that
such 'empirical research articulates its variables and hypotheses in the context of
theatrical practice, but it borrows models, methods and techniques from the social
sciences' (Constantinidis 1988: 69). In this book, I employ this methodology by com~
bining theater studies , (emotion) psychology and theater as practiced (empiricism).
Chapter three doses with an inventory ofseveral central problems in the acting ofemotions which the different acting theories appear to have in common. In this way I can
also formulate the most important acting tasks the actor must accomplish when portraying emotions. The insights derived by comparing the different acting theories will
then be combined with current academic notion s about emotion.
For the purposes of this study, the most comprehensive current emotion theory is
the cognitive emotion theory as formulated by the Dutch psychologist Nico Frijda
(1986). Different theoretical insights into the complex area of research on emotions
are integrated into this theory which will be discussed in chapters four and five. The
essence ofFrijda's theory distills down to viewing emotions as expressions ofthe individual which fulfill a central function in reacting to the environment. Surroundings or
situations offer opportunities or threats; they pose certain demands for satisfYing individual needs, desires or concerns and provoke engagement in relationships. Simultaneously, the situation reveals possibilities or impediments that the individual has
within this context. When the elements contributed by the situation corn bine with their
potential meaning for the individual, this combination may create an emotional reaction. An emotional reaction betrays the fact that
interests are at stake in the situation. I apply
I have vivid memories of this production (AlIOndrood
this psychological emotion theory to actors in
by Htt Wtrkthuter). eSptcially bec<Juse the actorl were
their professional surroundings on the stage as
not at all ashamed to let themselves coincide with thei r
well as to characters in dramatic situations.
charaders (... ). None oflhe actors in th is prod uction had
In the context of this book a psychological
anything to hideor anything to put on. Noone attempted
approach to acting means the following: I take
to hide behind the mask of an old ptrson. The actors of
the company were shamelessly themselwts. And we , the
the perspective ofthe actor at work as someone
audiuce, felt like a band oHrightened peeping Tom's.
who does his or her work in a certain way, in
(Klaus Sanclunski, in Toneel Throlroo l, no. 7. Septtmber
specific circumstances , as would a psychologist studying 'normal people'. This approach
leads to the conclusion that accepted acting

ACTI NG EM OTI ON 5' I NTRO DUCTlON

We confessed to e~ch other that we
methods handle emotions in a one-sided manner. These
wou ld lov~ to fiGur~ out the Secret of Mar Ion
methods do not take into account the emotions actors
Brando's primal scrum in the fi lmAStrttlcar
experience as a result ofperform ing their acting tasks in
Named Desire, 'SteJl~!!!' . We guessed our
front ofa critical audience, or with the demands arising
professor'Sanswer ourselves: Marlon Branfrom the theater situation. I have called these emotions
do 's scrtam starts in hisllomach. German
task-emotions and these are related to the actor as pro~ctOr$ don't act from the lower part of their
fessionaJ.3 I propose that task-emotions play an imporbody (l ike Americans do) , but from their
heads. (...).
tant part in making character-emotions believable and
(Klaus Sandunski in Toned Theolfool,
convincing to an audience.
no.
7, September 1!j96
Sequentially, problematic notions involved in the
portraying of character-emotions are introduced. Topics familiar in actor training like 'involvement with the
character', 'identification and empathy' , 'believability of emotional expression' and
'dual consciousness' are placed in the perspective of views on emotion in contemporary psychology (chapter 5).
Next, the field study I conducted among professional actors in the Netherlands,
Flanders and the United States will be discussed . Various considerations played a role
in this process. By permitting professional actors to speak for themselves, support for
insights previously developed only in theory could now be based on acmal practice.
This has rarely occurred systematically and never before on such a large scale. With this
empirical analysis I have taken a step toward increasing the understanding of professional skills in acting. Chapter six includes a condensed overview of previous field
studies on aspects ofacting. I also describe how my field study was set up and conducted, and what questions were asked.
Several hundred professional actors and actresses answered the extensive questionnaire. Their responses were collated and used as a basis for statistical analyses, the results ofwhich are presented in chapter seven. The results reveal, among other things,
that most actors seldom actually experience the emotions they are portraying on stage
as they perform a character. However, the analysis does determine that actors in performance experience intense emotions ofa different order, which I name 'task-emotions'.
Further, it appears that the acting style utilized has no bearing on the degree of correspondence between the emotions ofactors and characters. In practice , it appears that
exercising an emotionally 'involved' acting technique does not yield greater correspondence between the emotions ofthe actor and the character than exercising a 'detached'
style ofacting.
Finally, in chapter eight, I attempt to point these findings towards the development
ofa contemporary acting theory.

1,4

What This Book is Not About: Li miting the Subject

This book is predominantly concerned with professional actors (not amateurs or students) who present emotions in roles they perform for a live theater audience. How
these actors work during the rehearsal period is only peripherally touched on, though
naturally live performance is not unconnected to the rehearsal process. I have limited
myself to stage acting and have left film and television acting out of the picture. None17

theless, some actors in the American survey answered questions about acting for the
camera. Their answers are more or less similar to those of the stage actors, but were
too few in number to draw sound conclusions from. At certain points in the book film
acting to stage acting are compared.
When I speak ofcharacters I generally mean the most important or leading charac~
ters in the performance or text and not the minor roles. On most points the same principles would apply to major and minor roles, but the emotional content ofminor roles
is normally less than in major roles.
The nature of this study assumes that we are primarily trying to understand some
fundamental principles ofthe emotional process ofacting, in particular how emotions
are shaped on stage. Consequently, the aim is not an exhaustive examination ofvarieties ofacting styles . Neither will I dissect the nuances ofdiverse character types, genres, dramatic structures, etc. , but instead concentrate on the most common, prototypical characters, their dramatic situations, and their presumed emotions. Since Diderot's
Paradoxe is the starting point, the frame of reference is mainly (traditional) character
acting.
During the last number ofyears in the West, there has been a visible growth ofacting
styles in which the representation of real (or realistic) character-emotions have as~
sumed decreasing importance. Ensembles like Maatschappij Discordia (the Netherlands) and STAN (in Belgium) propose that the actors themselves - simply as people are present on stage. Strongly choreographed 'abstract acting' , as with De Keersmaeker, Jan Fabre, or Pina Bausch. makes very different demands on actors. Frequently, so-called experimental theater places scenographic aspects above (the portrayal of)
characters or their emotions. Alternatively, I have also seen heightened demonstratlons
of raw character emotions in recent performances, witness Blanche and Stanley in A
Streetcar Named Desire by Het ZuidelijkToneel (Netherlands, 1996). One company member recounted that director Ivo van Hove was focused on making a sort of'x-ray analysis' ofthe character's emotions.
Experiments with actin9 styles in the Netherlands seem to have developed further
than in surrounding countries, most certainly than in the United States. Note that I emphasize acting styles; not experimental theaterforms ofwhich stunning examples may be
seen in America. In the context of this book a thorough discussion of such developments would be too great a digression , but I will return in some measure to this issue
in the final chapter. However, it is safe
to say that the results ofthis study align
...according to the tried and tested Oiscordia method: Everywell with developments in contempothing that is (elt to be artificial is taboo. There is then no dccor; oncc
rary theater.
on stage the attors stand stock-still tcading thei~ lines, without
In conclusion I believe that the anaperforming any prescribed act ions (tea drinking. sitting down, playlysis ofcreative processes does not deing cards, f.ooking at tach other) . One of the tricks they have used fOr
years is that ncry player can represent any man or woman, young or
tract from their artistic nature, but can
old
without reflecting age or sn in intonation or posture . It is ofun
make a meaningful contribution to the
guess
work as to who is speaking, even ifdi rector Jan jorislamers
nature ofthe arts. Performance scholar
sometimes calls out half·audible stage directions.
Richard Schechner contends: 'I do not
(newspaper If" Pdrool. Febru~ry 19. 1997)
believe that any creative process - in~

ACTING EMOTIONS, I NTROOUCTlON

eluding acting - is beyond discussion and analysis; nor do r believe that analysis
destroys creativity (it is not the actor-at-work who will be doing the analyzing)'
(Schechner 1964: 2II).

1.5

Acknowledgments

This book has been made possible thanks to the support ofmany people and organizations. Truly indispensable were the actors and actresses in the Netherlands, Flanders
(Belgium), and the United States who took great pains to reveal some of their professional secrets by carefully completing an extensive questionnaire. To gain insight into
the craft ofthe actor it was vital that actors entrusted their experiences and knowledge
to me. That many have done this, and in such a personal and complex area as the emotions, is ofgreat value.
The research reported in this book has also been made possible thanks to financial
support from the Faculty of Arts of Utrecht University, the Netherlands Organization
for Scientific Research (NWO) in The Hague, and the Foundation for Studies in Performing Arts (STiPA) in Amsterdam. The research in the United States would have
been impossible had not the American Actors' Equity trade union, and specifically Guy
Pace and Richard Bruir, been prepared to lend assistance. I am very grateful to Actors'
Equity for making a policy exception which allowed this research to be conducted.
Research in the Netherlands was additionally supported by the department of
Theater, Film and Television Studies at Utrecht University (especially Prof. Dr. Henri
Schoenmakers), as well as the Faculty of Psychology of the University of Amsterdam
(especially Prof. Dr. Nico Frijda) and the department of Psychological Methodology
(especially Prof. Or. Don Mellenbergh, Or. Wulfert van den Brink, and Ors. Harrie
Vorst). Further, the support and assistance of the trade union De Kunstenbond FNV,
Prof. Or. Ed Tan (department of Word and Image Studies, Vrije Universiteit) and Rein
Douze (FNV-Kiem) was vital for conducting research among actors in the Netherlands,
Flanders, and the United States. The American study was supported there by the City
University ofNew York (CUNY), especially by Professors WilIiam Green, Marvin Carlson
(Graduate Center ofCUNY) and David Chambers (Yale School ofDrama, Yale University,
New Haven) who aided with moral supponand advice on content.
For advice on editing Actin!! Emotions and the creation ofthis edition, my thanks go to
Peter van Lint (chief editor ofThwter and Education) and the Theater Academies of the
Netherlands. Most especially I thank Henk Havens and Leo Swinkels of the Theater
Academy Maastricht, Ben Hurkmans oftheTheater School Amsterdam, Wim Meuwissen and Gretha Hengst of the Theater School Utrecht, and Rob van Gaal ofthe Theater
Institute the Netherlands (TIN) for their useful advice in making this -edition more
readable for students. I am greatly indebted to Oavid Chambers for his editorial advice
on editing the translation with a view towards the American theater schools, and to
Phillip Zarrilli (University of Surrey, UK) for his insightful comments on the final edition ofthe translation.
For the second Dutch edition, I am very grateful to Astrid Westerbeek as my co-editor and Karin Konijn for their contributions to a readable writing. Thanks go to Ingrid
Deddes ofToneelgroep Amsterdam for making photos available, and also Felix-Jan
'9

Kuypers ofthe theater group Het Amsterdamse Bos for his emotional demonstrations
for the camera. I thank Rocco and Dianne van Loenen for their hospitality and support
when the printer in New York fell through. Thanks also to sponsorship by the Hotel Park
Savoy in Manhattan, and especially to John Pappas, Manny and Mussa - the primary
necessities oflife were there from you.
NWO is greatly acknowledged for funding the English translation, which Barbara
Leach did with great sensitivity and responsibility. I am greatly indebted to her and
David Chambers, who did the final editing with great understanding and precision.
Lastly, thanks go to my husband, family, and friends for always being there for me.

'0

2

The Paradox Considered
... as so often happens with a frequently preached opinion, without anyone
ask ing why, a system is e rected upon this point of view.
WI LH

2.1

HM M USHER

('992: '3)

Introduction: From Paradox to the Actor's Dilemma

To this day, heated discussions are held concerning the paradoxical relationship between the 'truth' ofthe actor's emotions and the emotions portrayed by his character.
Diderot's Paradoxe sur le Comedien was, and frequently still is, the locus of a debate in
which diametrically opposed views are held. On one side are the so-called emotionalists, who believe that the actor himselfmust experience the emotions he/she expresses
in his/her role. On the other side are the so-called anti-emotionalists, who believe that
the actor must not allow himself to be overwhelmed with his character's emotions.
Diderot himself took an extreme point ofview: He proposed, as will be discussed in
section 2.2, that a good actor should feel nothing at all.
To begin to unravel the paradox, it is helpful to understand it in its historical context
(2.3). While the issues at hand were already the subject ofintense discourse on the art
of acting in the late eighteenth century, the Paradoxe itself was not discussed; the first
printed version in its current form was not made public until 1830. The differences of
opinion in eighteenth-century France were, however, clearly illustrated by the dispute
between the actresses Clairon and Dumesnil. The predominant acting style of the period was the classical
Fuidech [her acting coach, EKluught
manner. I will also discuss how emotions were regarded
me how to go back in my own life and base a
in the eighteenth century and how these views must
scene on that. If you ne very concentrated,
have influenced Diderot's Paradoxe. Further, in section
you are right back in Ihal situation,lhen
2.4, a few problematical terms involved in interpreting
there is a personal connection... Acting is lhe
language of the hurt; you have 10 feel every·
the paradox will be handled.
thing
you do .
There has been a shift: in current discussions about
(Actress
Johanna ter Sleege in 0,
the relationship between the actor's emotions and those
filmlnG.I,lanuary 19971
of the character. The issue is no longer about the total
ptmnre or the total absence offeeling, but rather the degree
of similarity between the emotions of the actor and his
As an actor, you have to know what you
character. This has lead to speaking less in terms of the
want 10 bring abouI in a scene... It 's all in your
paradox of the actor, but rather of 'the dilemma' of the
mind. And the art ofacting iSlo be able to turn
actor. This dilemma involves the various levels ofenactit out.
ment and emotion which exist simultaneously (2-4.).
{Actress Rentl foUer in 0, filmbGo'.
Septemblr '9961

11

2.2

Diderot's Pllrddoxe

The French philosopher, novelist, and playwright Denis Diderot (1713-1784) is best
known for creating the first 'real' Encyclopedia, a product ofthe Enlightenment. Enlisting numerous other philosophers , he worked on it for over twenty years. Diderot wrote
philosophical essays on diverse subjects, including drama and acting. His work and
the reactions to it reveal Diderot to be a versatile, progressive, and independent th inker,
but also a concroversial one. In 1749 he was imprisoned for his Lettres sur les Avwgles,
which questions the existence ofGod . Much ofDiderot's work. including the Paradoxe,
would only finally appear in the nineteenth century; some would wait until the twentieth. In need of money, Diderot was forced to sell his library to the Russian Czarina,
Catherine Il, ill 1766. After his death in 1784, his complete oeuvre was brought to St.
Petershurg, where it was kept in private storage until 1917. In 1773-74, Diderot spent
eight months in The Hague, en route co Russia. Here he tried to publish Paradoxe. The
last written version of Paradoxe sur le Comidien also dates from this sojou rn. 1 The following is a short summary ofits contents.
2.2.1
Paradoxe sur le Comedien A good actor feels nothing at all and can therefore
evoke the strongest offeelings in the audience - this was Diderot's proposal in Patadoxe
sur le Come'di en. The actor should act emotions on stage withoutfetlin.9. A sensitive actor
could never act the same role twice with the same devotion and with equal success. 'If
he were to be himselfwhile acting, how would he then be able to stop?' (Diderot 1985:
52). According to Diderot, only one who had completely mastered himselfcould possibly take offh is mask and put it back on again on command. A performance by actors
who act with their feelings would be, he argued , very uneven, fluctuating from strong
to weak, flat to sublime. On the other hand, a performance would be constant - reliably
strong every time - if the actor's play were deliberate. In such a case, after the performance is completed , the actor would feel nothing other than his own fatigue.
Diderot argued further that there are so many varied and complex situations embodied in a single leading role that it would be impossible to actually feel all ofthem. Moreover, itwould be impossible for an actor co rigorously follow all ofthe stage directions
if completely immersed in the emotions of the role. In considering emotions in daily
life, Diderot viewed them as a disruptive interference: One can only express one's self
clearly once one is out ofharm's way and recovered from distress. Before that, there is
only stuttering, stammering, and lack of awareness that others fail to share one's enthusiasm . Additionally, Diderot felt that an extreme sensitivity has a negative influence
on acting performances : 'A complete absence of feeling is the foundation for those
who achieve the highest level. The actor's tears flow from his brain', since 'the sentimental soul is seized with panic at the slightest unexpected occurrence' (1985 : 58-59).
Emotional people, he felt, only served as examples for great actors in the conception of
a 'modele jMal'. According to Diderot in Paradoxe the actor used this imagined inner
model to play his character during the performance.
Diderot also noted the difference between what he calls 'real' tears and the tears
evoked by a moving tale. At the sight ofan accident, for example, the object, the sensa-

22

THE PARADOX CONSI DERED

tion and the effect coincide: At once the obI'
server's feelings are aroused and he is instantly moved to tears. With a moving sto~r·'l.,,·
ry, on the other hand, tears are summoned
--t~ lom/'dim.gradually. Diderot asserted that a spectator
J'--.. J"""-~
'does not go to the theater to see tears, but
to hear words which will bring him to tears'
J,~_) ~6_/_ •..,.,
aY,..,,.,.. ,
(I985: u8). Likewise, he maintained that
/. .-1:___.
real feelings and performed feelings were
(~"'" ' / - / ' /um.-i.
completely different. The emotions of an
/..C_.:1
actor must necessarily be fictitious, he contended, otherwise his acting would be dull
and overly mundane.
'1""-04.'_"-,J..
--< .,... f1l~ - - - /....1
.:
Diderot suggested that authenticity in a
"
\,1----or- 2 ""-:.
scene occurs when actions, words, facial
.~,
expressions, voice, movement, and gesture
.......,\
all conform to an inner model (modele idea/)
''?,w'. ...........-''''''!
.~:'''-_a:.......
which the playwright has described and
..... '''\
c
which the actor often exaggerates. It is this
1
'
imagined model that the actor tries to imitate. Therefore, the theater offers the audience heightened caricatures which obey
theatrical rules of convention, not reality. If, by contrast, one were to portray oneself,
one's acting would be small, timid, reductive. Furthermore, Diderot stated that the talent ofa good actor lies in the fuct that he can reproduce the external signs of an emotion precisely - and in such good measure - that the spectator will be convinced. 'The
actor is, however, not his character; he pretends to be and does this so well that you
mistake him for his character. The illusion is yours alone', writes Diderot (I9 85: 57).

-/'-/-,..-

'

'];

2.2.2
Arguments in Paradoxe sur le Comedien The several reasons Diderot used to
support his position in the Paradoxe can, according to various scholars, be reduced to
two main arguments. First, in Diderot's view, uncontrolled emotion and rational control are mutually exclusive. A controlled emotion is not an emotion, but by definition a
pretense. For Diderot, the stage is no place for uncontrolled emotion, it might randomly produce a good effect 2 , but in general will simply interfere, making, for instance,
actors less intelligible. The actor who plays 'from his heart' would, according to
Diderot, never be capable ofplaying great tragic heroes with any consistency in a series
of performances.
It is notable that Diderot made a distinction between acting while performing and
while preparing the role. During rehearsals 'the great actor struggles with his feelings,
until he has mastered his role' (in Hogendoorn 1985: 26). I would like to look at this extreme premise of the paradox - that actors should feel nothing at all - in this light.
What Diderot means by 'having no feelings at all' is that the actor has no feelings in
common with his character. This is illustrated by examples such as 'the double scene'

2]

(1985: 67-70), in which an actor and an actress who are in reality husband and wife play
two passionate lovers. Meanwhile, they express how much they loathe their marriage
with acidic subtexts in, according to Diderot, inaudible stage whispers. This anecdote
shows that actors apparently do have feelings, bur ones other than the ones their characters portray. However, in debates stemming from the Paradoxe this has not been a
point ofattention.
The second main argument pointed out by researchers is the fundamental difference between everyday life and that oflife as ordered in art, as artifact. This relates to
eighteenth-cenhllY opinions on classicist aesthetics. Diderot not only remarked that
emotions in daily life are of a completely different order than emotions on stage, but
also that actors represent the emotions of the character by developing a 'modHe idial'.
Actors neither imitate reality, nor the emotions in reality, bur instead act out a model of
their character. Although grafted to reality, the model is larger than life. Through
observation and the study of 'common' behavior, the actor uses his imagination to
enlarge the most characteristic and general human traits to suit his character. In this
manner, the actor's task is to shape a fictitious, yet aptly conceived model ofhis character. This imagined model subsequently forms the guideline for stage acting, Diderot
concluded. In this respect, the actor does not differ from other artists such as the
painter, poet, or musician. Diderot also found that stage performances should be repeatable; the quality should not depend on the caprice ofthe actor's random feelings.
Although other scholars sometimes cite further central propositions in Paradoxe,
these can generally be covered under one of the two main arguments. But one contention, that ofVilliers (I942), does seem to stand apart. For Villiers, Diderot's remark
that acting improves with the age of the actor seems to be a separate reason for supporting Diderot's extreme position in the Paradoxe. This argument has nothing to do
with aging and an increased capacity to feel but instead proposes that an actor 'only
masters his art and all its subtleties when he has a great deal of experience, when the
fire ofpassion has subsided ... and [he) has mastered his intellectual faculties' (Diderot
185: 65). Diderot valued professional experience and the acquisition of expert skills to
be a good actor. This third argument stands next to the two main arguments above supporting Diderot's thesis)

2.3

AShort History ofparadoxe sur le (omedien

The following section will examine how discussion germane to the issue in Paradoxe,
but prior to its publication, proceeded in the eighteenth century. This section intends
only to sketch a brief summary of late eighteenth-century 'enlightened' views about
acting and emotions in order to place the paradox within its historical context.

2.3.1 Clairon versus Dumesnil In the period during which Diderot developed his
Paradoxe the actresses Clairon and Dumesnil were the leading actresses ofthe Comedie
Fran~aise. Their styles ofacting and their opinions about acting were diametrically opposed and, through extensive correspondence, they were at each other's throats well
into their dotage. Dumesnil was described by Diderot as 'the natural, disorganized
player, who could occasional1y rise to sublime heights'. Her acting, according to

TH E PARADOX CONS I DERED

Diderot, was 'only good when she had to display passion and rage'; the basis ofher art
being 'naturalness', 'pathos' , and 'emotional identification' with the role. In contrast,
Diderot described Clairon as an 'aware artist, always satisfying, but perhaps never
touching the deepest emotional chord' (1985: 53-54). Others also expressed similar
thoughts about both actresses: 'The one, an actress completely ofsrudy and artifice, the
other, an actress completely oftemperament. '4
In R!ft1exions sur l'Art Dramatique, Clairon abhored the many actors and actresses who
thought that it was sufficient to learn the text and leave the rest to 'nature', An all too
common practice, she contended. According to her, the word l10hm was misused (see
also 2-4), Clairon emphasized that acting was artificial and went on to develop a quite
forward looking method of acting. In this method, the actOr needed to study not only
the character, but also his historical context and relationships to other characters to be
able to understand his role from the character's perspective and express this comprehension correctly. Clairon asserted that differences in the character's age, sex, situation, time, and custom would demand different manners ofexpression, as opposed to
the stereotypical 'character portraits' ofthe time.5
Dumesnil was outraged by Clairon's acting method, remarking that all these things
could never have as much influence as the great powers nature exerted on the portrayal
of strong emotions. According to her, it was the exceptional gift of a 'natural actress',
above all the efforts ofart, to forget oneself in an instan t , to assume the character and
become imbued with the 'great emotions ,.n For Dumesnil, it was a given that dramatic
art was equal to reality, while Clairon would maintain that on the stage, illusion came
first: 'In theatrical art, all is convention ,
all is fiction ' (Clairon, in Cole and ChiYOu try to form a memory: Impressions of youth, a grandmother,
nay 1970: 177). Given his viewpoint in
a garden shed. certain smells, small details...The better you underParadoxe sur le Comfdien, it is not surprisstand a character. the better you can find the form to play him. Then
ing that Diderot praised Clairon as the
it becomes less thutrical. Ius artificial, playing the emotion
prime example ofgood acting.
it elf...If1 Set that moment again, [when he, as Frits van Egters in De
A visit to Paris by the English actor
Auonden, comes out with the truth, EKII see a com pletely different
person, I re.ally see a completely insane boy standing there. Those are
Garrick in 1764-1765 was also an imthe genuine moments in acting, when an actor loses his own person·
portant inspiration for Diderot to write
ality and crtates another personality. That is magic.
Paradoxe. Garrick amazed a salon audi(Actor Thom Hoffman in an inte",iew with Jan Pieter Ekker,
ence with his lightning fast succession
De Film.,ont, November 1996)
offacial expressions, each expressing a
different emotion. Garrick, the 'leading man' from 1741 to 1776, eased the
The other day on television I heard a man from Rwanda say com stiff, pompous English acting style and
pletely calmly: ' We are going to Wllr'. A~nttnce like this fascinates
provided much innovation on the Engme. You can already picture the wounded, the sobbing mothers, we
lish stage. Diderot wrote that Garrick
all know these images. Not that Icopy the images on 5t2ge. On stage
told how he observed people's narural
you have to find other ways. As an actress you can han the image in
behavior for his models. He further
mind to find the right form for it. If we actually started wailing li.e
those
women do, you would think: Cut it out.
related how Garrick gave a demonstra(Adress
Frieda Piltoors in an inte",iew with Marian Buijs,
tion of his expressive capacities and
de Volh.,Gnt, January 17,1997)
concluded that a great actor does not

become involved in the emotions of the character, but knows precisely how to express
these emotions. According to Diderot, a good actor has 'a cool head', as did the actor
Lekain, who was considered the French equivalent of Garrick (Diderot 1985; 79). The
specific differences in acting styles and opinions, e.g., those ofCiairon and Dumesnil,
can not be discussed without considering the dominant classical acting style in eighteenth-cenrury France.

2.3.2 Classical Acting Style In discussions abolltvarying opinions on acting styles
in France, it is important to recall that from 1680 until the French Revolution (1789) the
Comedie Fralll;aise was one ofthe most prominent and influential theater companies.
During the first half of the eighteenth century, the Comedie Fran~aise had become
more and more an 'elitist' company, lacking innovative initiatives. The French classical
acting ofthis period was noted for its very strict adherence to prescribed rules and conventions which originated in a specific and rigorous interpretation of Aristotelian notions of unity oftime, place, and action in drama and theater. Classical dramatic texts
were written in verse form, the diction being determined by strict 'sing-song' rules of
declamation, with the 'natural' characters in the tragedies being kings, princes, and
mythological heroes.? The classical acting style went into steady decline and fell out
offavor in surrounding countries (although, revivals were still held in the nineteenth
century).
The foundation of eighteenth-century acting is described by the theater historian
Dene Barnett as '...a vocabulary ofbasic movements, each with its own meaning which
is known by all' (1987: 221, 331).8 The words were always the starting point for the
staging: Gestures, movements, mise-en-scene, and postures were always linked to the
words (see box on page 24). A dozen basic emotions were expressed using standardized techniques for presentation; all actors used these and all spectators understood
them. Barnett describes the same as being true for mise-en-scene and costumes.
With the house lights always burning, the actors could see the audience members
clearly. They made themselves fully heard as well, igniting frequent applause, calls to
repeat a beautiful phrase or jeers for mean statements (Barnett 1987: 435). The audience consisted mainly ofconnoisseurs trained in the arts of discourse. The same techniques ofclassical oratory were applied in salons, the parliament, the law courts, or at
ceremonies. Everyone (at least every patrician) understood them. It was equally understood that a good play followed the 'natural' rules ofAristotle, the then accepted interpretation ofthe 're,gles des conditions'. The cheater historian Peter Szondi relates that the
classical rules were interpreted as natural rules. 'Natural' in the sense of self-evident
and ind isputable (not in the Romantic sen se ofthe term).
Liberating acting from the rigors of these rules and making acting 'a likeness of
nature' became the goal ofthe innovators in eighteenth-century drama. Diderot, however, did not share their conclusion that 'natural' emotions or feelings must be paramount on stage. Actors could achieve 'natural quality' in the portrayal of characteremotions, according to Diderot, by observing emotions in daily life. Based on these
observations, the actor should create a 'modHe ideal' of the character-emotions, which
he then reproduces as well as possible on stage. Yet, in this epoch, naturalness was still
26

rH E PARADOX CONSIDERED

considered a God-given quality, not something that could be created or imitated by
men.
The call for naturalism on the stage coincided with the development of'bourgeois'
drama, where the 'rank and file' appeared as characters instead of kings and princes.
The bourgeois tragedy made its entrance along with Diderot. 9 His theories about
drama also pertained to this 'serious genre' - standard and bourgeois tragedy - but
only slightly to comedy. Bourgeois drama was often moralistic and educational, rooted
in the hope of improving humanity by providing it with good examples. In De la Paisie
Dramatiquf, Diderot advocated writing bourgeois drama in prose because the tragic
effect ofa drama was in the similarity of social circumstances between the main character and the audience; it is not Clytemnestra 's majesty that is moving, it is the expression ofultimate and universal motherly love, Diderot said.1o
[n Paradoxe, and other sources, Diderot advocated the ensemble rehearsing together
at length to achieve good interaction. In the eighteenth century, rehearsals were highly
unusual, but there were already some successful attempts to develop a system for training actors. At the time it was customary for actors to learn their texts quickly and privately, and then rely on the established rules ofrhetoric for expression. In short, in the
context ofeighteenth-century French c1as sical drama, Diderot appears to be an innovator. His desire for change in the theater is also expressed in his Paradoxf.
2.3.3 Enlightened Emotions To understand what Diderot meant by saying that a
good actor feels nothing, I will try to explain how Diderot presumably thought emotions
work. The eighteenth century is known as the century of Enlightenment, noted for,
among other things, an emphasis on the importance ofhuman knowledge as directed
by reason. Psychology did not yet exist as an independent science. Emotion theories
were incorporated into philosophical and medical discourse.l l The inner [jfe of man,
also his emotions, were thought to be controlled by the soul, and the soul in turn driven
by God. Diderot rejected these ideas.

The eighteenth-century actor made use ofthis established 'sign language' with its accom pany ing
declamatory style to transmit the meaning of a sentence (from Samett 1987)

In as much as emotions were studied (scientifically), they were the object of precise
character analyses based on the observation of external (facial) expressions. These
were thought to reveal the 'humors' - sanguine, phlegmatic, choleric, and melancholic
- as determined by the four body fluids. The doctrine ofthe humors was originally intended for purely medical purposes; it began to take on a more psychological context in
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries when a connection was made between the
bodily fluids and certain personality traits. Diderot disparaged character typologies or
the analyses resulting from the doctrine ofhumorsY He felt the character typologies
could only describe superficial appearances and had no causal relationship whatsoever
with the essence ofinner life. The doctrine ofhumors began to lose ground in the nineteenth century, when the soul became the subject of highly detailed self-analysis and
introspection. Diderot died in 1784 before these developments began to exert their influence. At the end of the nineteenth century, psychology gained the recognition as a
distinct science. A revival ofthe debate on Paradoxe SUT le Comidien also took place at that
time with Irving and Coquelin as leading contenders (2.5.1).
Diderot rebelled against the omnipresence of God and against the dominant opinions of Descartes. He rejected not only Descartes' deism, but also his belief that body
and soul are divisible. Diderot contended the opposite. Further, Diderot considered
movement to be inherent in matter, so that body or soul, thought and emotions could
exist without presupposing divine intervention. Diderot emphasized the influence of
the individual self on his observations and his emotions, at the time a highly unorthodox, even dangerous, notion. In the words of the twentieth-century contemporary
philosopher Barzun: 'Diderot was aware that consciousness was not a passive mirror
ofreality, as his century believed, but individually selective' (Barzun 1986: 21).13
Diderot believed that the diaphragm kept emotions and passions under control. The
American theater researcher, Joseph Roach (I98I) interpreted Diderot's viewpoint:
'Normal' people (and mediocre actors) would not be able to divide body and spirit and
thus the spirit would then become clouded by emotion.'4 According to Roach, only
a genius possesses the rare capacity to detach himself from his 'bodily machine, to
divide himself into two personalities in performance, and so to direct the outward
motions ofhis passions by an inward mental force, itselfunmoved, disconnected from
the physiological effects it oversees' (Roach 1981: 61). With this interpretation of the
paradox, Roach proposed that Diderot meant that this double consciousness was only
reserved for an actor ofgenius.
Roach's reasoning suggests that an actor would most definitely have to feel the
emotions he portrays in a character, but the 'genius' actor would not be troubled by
them. Through extensive practice, the physical manifestations of the aroused emotions will have become automatic and he can separate these from his mental command of his body. As long as we presume that acted emotions and real emotions, or
rather onstage character-emotions and the emotions experienced in daily life, are the
same, then this explanation seems reasonable enough. However, Diderot contended
that the acted emotions and the real emotions, or rather the onstage character-emotions and the emotions experienced in daily life, were fundamentally different. l ) For
Diderot there was no question that an actor, at least not a 'highly gifted' actor in per,8

TH E PARADOX CONSIDERED

formance, had any emotions in common with his character. There was, according to
him, only the illusion ofemotion, ofperfect expression or portrayal, and not ofthe actual experience of those portrayed emotions. Using this insight, we need not do damage to Diderot's beliefin the unity of body and spirit to maintain his premise that it is
exactly the actor who is bereft of emotion who will be able to arouse real emotions in
the spectator.

2.4

Problematic Terms

Finally it seems necessary to pursue a few central terms in Paradoxe, like sensibiliti and
nature, in order to interpret them correctly. This is not intended as an exhaustive discussion - the problem is too complex for that. The difficulty with interpreting specific
terms in Paradoxe is most evident with the word 'nature'. 'Nature' seems to be the eighteenth century's most ubiquitous word. Ehrard distinguished seven meanings of the
word 'nature'. 16 According to Hazard, Diderot used these and many other senses ofthe
term 'nature'. While studying the literature, a specter begins to loom around the eighteenth-century concept of'nature' as a term that was used for everything that defied
explanation; Nature takes its course and nature is created by God. Having emotions
would also be part ofnature's course.
The Dutch philosopher, Verbeek, pointed out 'the normative aspect which the term
"nature" expresses' (1977: 12). We encountered the same normative element earlier (in
2.3.2); Only drama that conformed to the rules of Aristotle was considered 'natural'.
This meant that a 'natural' play must obey the rules demanding unity of time, place,
and action. With the influence of the natural sciences, the term 'nature' also took on
the meaning ofan empirically observable reality. Further, Rousseau (Diderot's contemporary) proposed another meaning of the term 'nature', namely the opposite of social
convention or artificially acquired behavior.
The related terms sensibiliti, sensible, and sentiment also had various meanings. In eighteenth-century French, sentiment could indicate an opinion as well as a feeling, which in
turn could either mean grand passions or a sense of morals or uprightness. Verbeek
pointed out that in the latter part of the eighteenth century, the term sensibiliti became
trendy; 'Sensibility, especially concerning beautiful feelings - the word certainly did
not have this meaning in 1769' (1980; Ill). Further, according to Diderot, matter could
also possess semibilit{, sensitivity or susceptibility, the ability to react to stimuli; a stone
has the potential to 'feel' the influence of unpredictable processes of movement over
the ages.17 The difficulty with translation is not simply that languages differ, but also
that there was a completely different mindset in the eighteenth century. It goes without
saying that terms like ginie and modele idiol can also be interpreted in different ways. In
the literature it appears that model~ idial can either mean a figure or an imagined
model. 18 Ifthe central terms in Poradoxe are seen in this light, we must conclude that it is
not possible to accept rranslations at face value, which can as such lead to paradoxical
situations. 19
The actress Dumesnil was possibly talking about a different sort of nature than
Clairon was. Clairon was probably more influenced by the ideas ofthe Enlightenment
philosophers, as she traveled in these circles. The meaning of 'natural' acting, as
'9

Dumesnil used the term, is not unambiguous. Likewise, a 'good, mediocre, or bad
actor' means something different to Diderot than to us in the twentieth century. The expression ofemotions was not only subject to strict conventions and rules on stage, but
also in daily life, as the bourgeoisie were often well trained in the rules of rhetoric. In
accordance with the ideas ofthe Enlightenment philosophers, Diderot stressed the importance of reason for the actor in his Paradoxe. Pretense must make way for sincerity,
Diderot states. Expression enchained in the iron rules of rhetoric must give way to the
expression ofemotions modeled on empirical observations ofreality. This demanded a
sincere study on the part of the actor who, by reproducing a 'modi-le ideal', created the
maximum illusion so that the audience would be sincerely moved.
In summary, the precise meaning of the paradox, as Diderot would have meant it, can
scarcely be reconstructed. The difficulty is underscored by problems with the interpretation of some of the key terms he used, like sensibiliti, nature, and genie. It is therefore
not possible to subject the original paradox, as Diderot meant, to empirical tests. It is,
however, possible to determine if, and in what terms, the content of Paradoxe is discussed today - to see what solutions for the problems posed in Paradoxe are offered by
various contemporary schools ofthought in acting.
2.5

The Actor's Dilemma

Dirlerot's extreme point ofview is recognizable in the form of the actor's dilemma in
current discussions about portraying emotions on stage. The actor today faces the
dilemma ofhow far he can go with 'acting from the heart' without losing his head. We
will now look at the reason why this dilemma is still such an important issue in discussions about the art of acting. Clearly, there are essential points of difference between
the art ofacting and other art forms. The fact that the actor is his own instrument, with
which he creates a transitory art work, leads to the formula tion ofdi fferent levels ofenactment on which actors function (2.6).
2.5.1
The Dilemma The introduction (2.1) already mentioned that Diderot's Paradoxe to this day leads to heated discussions about acting. Tears on Command, the title ofa
recent publication of'theater correspondence' between the drama critic Kester Freriks
and theater director Gerardjan Rijnders, brings to mind Diderot's remark that 'the
actor's tears flow from his brain' .
Whether stage tears are 'real' or 'unreal', or the question of ' how to balance emotionality and craft' is central to the debate between Freriks and Rijnders. There is a perceptible shift away from the discussions ofthe Paradoxe in its original extreme form, as
posed by Diderot. From a total absence of feelings in the actor, the accenr has shifted
toward what degree ofsimilarity there is (or should be) between the emotions ofactor
and character.
At the close ofthe nineteenth century a debate raged around Pa radaxe, with Constant
Coquelin as the staunch defender ofDiderot's anti-emotionalist standpoint and Henry
hYing as the fervent emotionalise. In 1888, William Archer attempted to quell the dispute between the anti- and pro-emotionalises by conducting a survey among actors and
jO

TH E PARA OOX CONSI DE RED

studying (auto) biographical material. Archer concluded
that the anti-emotionalists were wrong, but, nevertheless, it was neither common for actors to become totally
swept up in the emotions oftheir characters. He sought
an explanation in the 'double consciousness' of the
actor fully connecting with the character's emotions, at
the same time being in complete control of them.
Henceforth, Diderot's Paradoxe was frequently cited in
conjunction with Archer's study as viewed through the
lens ofArcher's interpretation. The paradox also lost its
extreme form because Diderot's views were placed into
the historical context ofthe development ofscience.

Until Chat poinll have showed the aud ience Ihal this is a woman [HekaW EK) who
hn been th rough many ordeals. but who is
strong and who will probably mab it . The
moment I begin co cry, it is clear she is not
going 10 make it. So Ihe break between be ing
very strong and falling apal1lotally is a rully
difficull one. Isimplyfigured out this trick:
Just push. Push. Turn my back 10 the audience
and push them oul. And: 'De Jong. you'n got
to do it. Even ifyou nn'l. You chose Ihis profession, so just do it.' II works every lime.
(Act ress Geert de Jong in the documentary
Aeteurs sptlen emot,u (AClors ACl Emot ions),

band on the book by Elly Konijn, MPS 19951

The discussions about Paradoxe have led to formulating
'the actor's dilemma' as the most essential problem in
the art ofacting. The dilemma ofthe actor turns up in many shapes and forms: Should
the actor act with 'the head', 'cool calculation', and 'technique' , or with 'the heart',
'emotions' , and 'involvement'. The concern is, to what degree actors should keep a distance between themselves and the character as opposed to becoming involved in or
identifying with the character. The dilemma is also reflected in positioning acting
styles in opposition to each other, e.g., the externalists who specialize in technical aspects based on the physique, as opposed to the internalists who claim that acting
springs from the soul and the emotions. The alternative phrases used to formulate 'the
actor's dilemma' all come down to the relationship between the 'real ' emotions ofthe
actor and the emotions to be portrayed in the role.2°The recurring question where acting is considered remains: 'I:arteur doit-i1 tIn DU non emu?' (VilIiers 1968: 3 I). Must the
actor truly experience the emotions he portrays on the stage, or must he 'simply' show
or demonstrate them, no feelings involved?
In the contemporary 'translation' of the paradox in 'the actor's dilemma' three aspects are generally overlooked. The paradox is, firstly, a statement about 'good' or sublime actors. Diderot himself makes a distinction between the feelings of bad,
mediocre, and good actors. Secondly, the paradox is a statement about emotions during the performance and not during rehearsals. Thirdly, the paradox is directed toward
having a maxi mum emotional effect on the audience.
With respect to the first point, as far as 'good' actors are concerned, my study is
aimed at professional or career actors and not at beginners or amateurs. I will return to
this point in chapter 6. As to the second point, this study focused on the acting ofemotions in a public performance, just as in the paradox, and only incidentally on the phase
ofpreparation or rehearsal ofa role. At certain points in the following discussion the
strict separation between performance and rehearsal becomes difficult. Because this
distinction is important, I will indicate which aspect is being discussed. The third aspect, the relation between actor, character, and audience, is referred to indirectly at various moments. For example, in contemporary theater, emotional effects on the audience are not necessarily (the only effects) sought after.

Actress Chris Nietvelt as Lulu,
ToneelgroepAmsterdam, 1988

Actress Kitty Courbois as Medea,
Toneelgroep Amsterdam, '988

2.5.2
Features of Stage Acting Why does 'the actor's dilemma' occupy such a
prominent place in discussions about acting? Because it concerns the essence of the
actor's art. The American drama teacher, Lee Strasberg, remarked, after a life studying
and working with actors, that he originally saw inspiration as the basic problem for
actors. Later he maintained that the fundamental problem in the work of the actor is
to solve the dilemma: 'How does the actor achieve the right state ofemotionality analogous to that of the character to be portrayed?' CStrasberg 1988: 21). Concerning what
the ' right state' might be, there are various current opinions, which will be discussed
in chapter 3.
The actor's dilemma - to what extent his feelings are the same as his character's exists because of two closely related features ofthe art ofstage acting. The first feature
is the material: 'Because the artist has to use the treacherous, changeable, and mysterious material of himself as his medium' (Brook 1968: 131). The artist and the material
he works with are, unlike in other art forms, united in one and the same person: The
actor is at the same time the interpreter and the instrument, the pianist and the piano. 21
32

THE PARADOX CONSIDERED

The artwork can not be presented without the actor's physical presence; minimizing
the physical distance between the artist and che artwork. The second feature is an ex~
tension ofthe first which is also peculiar to the stage actor: The transitory nature ofthe
art. When the actor leaves the stage, the artwork ceases to exist. It is not lasting but
ephemeral. Or, to quote Grotowski, 'Acting is a particularly thankless art. It dies with
the actor' (1968: 44). The dramatic artwork is reshaped repeatedly in front of an audience. The art of the stage actor is thus situated within a determined lapse oftime. The
production must take place at the precise moment the actor is confronted by the audi~
ence, at a more or less agreed upon time and place, as 'the actor cannot tell the king
that he is unable to laugh today' (Diderot 1985: 91). This means that an actor cannot
wait for the moment of inspiration or for 'other such factors as talent explosion, the
sudden and surprising growth ofcreative possibilities, etc., ... because unlike the other
artistic disciplines, the actor's creation is imperative' (Grotowski 1968: 128). Both
of these features in the work of the actor carry a great risk of failure with them. All
methods and theories about the art ofacting, however different, should take them into
account.

2.6

levels ofEnactment and Emotions

Because the artist is his own material, it follows that a number of levels of enactment
must exist simultaneously at the moment that the actor portrays emotions in front of
an audience. Usually a threesome is used. Bert O. States, for example, distinguishes
'three phenomenal states': 'The actor (I) speaks to the audience (you) about the char~
acter (he) he is playing' (States 1983: 360). Michael Quinn also proposes a triad,
though with slightly different elements: 'The personal features ofthe artist; an insubstantial dramatic character residing in the consciousness of the audience; and ... the
stage figure, an image of the character which is created by the actor' (Quinn 1990:
155),zz

Both the actor and the character can each be seen on two levels. This yields four levels ofenactment which can be distinguished while acting; (I) The actor as private person; (2) the actor as actor~craftsmanj (3) the inner model ('modele idea!') or the idea of
how the character will be; and (4) the character as the actor presents him in the performance. The audience will in general perceive all four levels ofenactment as a single entity. If four levels of enactment are distinguished, this has consequences for distin~
guishing different kinds ofemotions. In the literature on acting these consequences
are not usually discussed. However, the existence ofdifferent levels ofenactment will
become important to help unravel the paradox and the actor's dilemma. This classification implies that there can be emotions at each of the levels; respectively I) the private emotions of the actor as private per~
son; 2) the emotions of the actor as crafts~
levels of enCletment
levels ofemotion
man, which are related to doing his work;
- private person
- private emotions
3) the intended emotions following the
- task-emotions
actor-craft.
s
man
inner model; and 4) the portrayed emotions
inner
model
- intended emotions
ofthe character in the performance.
- performed character

33

- character-emotions

Private emotions are emotions which arise from the personal experiences of the actor
as a person in daily life. Emotions on the second level, the actor as craftsman, are connected with executing tasks as an actor onstage. I will call these task-emotions from
now on and will elaborate upon in the following chapters. During rehearsals certain
arrangements are made and the actor forms an inner model of the character, which
guides him through performance, at the third level of enactment. This level concerns
the emotions ofthe character, as the actor would like to, or, depending on the arrangements, will have to portray them. These are the emotions that the actor intends to put
across, or the intended emotions.
The emotions ofcharacters as they are presented in the performance, on the fourth
level of enactment, are portrayed on the stage as representations of emotions as we
know them in daily life. These are not real emotions, but they are intended to create the
illusion ofreal emotions. In other words, character-emotions are formed by the specific behavior of actors, which refers to emotional behavior of characters. Characters as
such do not have emotions and can therefore not act in accordance with them. The
term character-emotions in this book means the representation ofemotions portrayed
by the actor. 23
The designation 'emotions ofcharacters' is often used in reference literature to indicate the rereption of characters by the audience; the term 'character-emotions' would
then refer only to what the audience observes. This interpretation is not used here,
because there is an essential difference between the way an actor regards a characteremotion and the way an audience member regards that emotion. The audience can, for
example, interpret emotions on the level of the actor-craftsman as belonging to the
portrayed character-emotions (3.6; 4-9). In current acting methods it is usually
thought that the character in performance (fourth level of enactment) is linked to private emotions the actor may be feeling. In the following chapter I will note that the
enacunent level ofthe actor as craftsman has received far too little attention.

2.7

Summary

Denis Diderot developed Paradoxe sur le Comedien in eighteenth-century France against
the background ofthe Enlightenment and the primacy of reason. Although, in france,
the classical style of acting was still dominant, the call for naturalism on stage was
becoming stronger. The dispute between 'reason and emotion', 'head and heart' was
illustrated by the strife between the two most prominent actresses of the day, Clairon
and Dumesnil. Diderot sided with Clairon and proposed in Paradoxe that a good actor
feels nothing at all on stage and can therefore arouse the most heightened emotions in
the audience. Diderot supported this view with various arguments, which can be reduced to two main ones - First: Reason and feeling are incompatible. Second: Emotions on the stage differ from emotions in daily life. In addition, Diderot argued that a
good actor needs to have expert skills developed over time.
The precise meaning ofDiderot's paradox is difficult to establish in our time. Not
only because it must be seen in its historical context, but also because some key terms
are problematical. The terms 'nature', 'sensibillti', and 'modele ideal' are ambiguous. Subjecting the paradox itself to empirical research is therefore not possible. It can be firml4

THE PARADOX CONS I DERED

ly established that the paradox has had great impact on contemporary acting theory; it
is possible to translate the paradox into its current definition as 'the actor's dilemma'.
Different opinions about whether actors do or do not feel have shifted in our day to discussions about the degree to which the actor should experience the emotions of the
character he is playing. The dilemma of the actor stems from the fact that the actor is
his own instrument, and that his artwork is ttansitory. These features of dramatic art
result in a distinction between four levels of enactment, which are coupled with four
levels of emotion: The private emotions of the actor as private person, the task-emotions of the actor as craftsman, the intended emotions of the inner model, and the
emotions ofthe character in the realized performance.
Current acting methods are mainly oriented toward the enactment level of the portrayed character and toward its relationship with the private emotions of the actor.
From the solutions that different acting styles offer for the dilemma ofthe actor, it will
appear that the enactment level of the actor as craftsman deserves far more consideration (see chapter 3).

3S

3

Acting styles
Actors - they'll tell you a lot, but they'll nevertell you all of it.
RIP TORN (in Kalter 1979: 4)

3.1

Introduction: Different Views on Acting

Opposing viewpoints about the acrar and emotions can be recognized today in, for example, the styles ofacting advocated by Stanislavsky and Brecht. These styles are diametrically opposed yet they have influenced western acting equally. In contemporary
cheater we see three general styles which differ from each other relative to the relationship ofthe emotions ofthe actor to those ofthe character. These three acting styles can
be classified as 1) the style ofinvolvement, 2) the style ofdetachment, and 3) the style of
self-expression (3.2, 3.3, and 3-4),1
These three acting styles implicitly suggest three solutions for 'the dilemma'. These
solutions all encounter the problem of the so-called double wnsriousness that the actor
should maintain (3.5). Again, I stress that a distinction must be made between dealing
with emotions during the rehearsal phase and during live performance: Diderot's paradox concerns the relationship between the emotions ofthe actor and his characterduring the performance. This distinction is not always simple to make as the methods used in
contemporary acting styles apply mainly to the rehearsal phase and only implicitly to
the final result in an actual performance.
By comparing disparate views on acting, several common points can be identified
which are central to acting emotions (3.6). To portray emotions on stage, the actor
forms an inner model which he tries to express as believably and convincingly as possible. While some aspects of the portrayal become 'second nature', the portrayal also
contains the illusion of spontaneity. The aspect oftask-emotions, which the actor has
as a result of doing his work, can be particularly useful in creating the illusion ofspontaneity (3.7). Acting emotions not only has an emotional effect on the audience; the
audience also has a reciprocal affect on the actor (3.8).

3.2

The Style of Involvement

The style of involvement strives for a presentation of character-emotions so that the
illusion of 'truthfulness' or 'reality' is created; the actor himself must not be visible in
the portrayal ofthe character. The style ofinvolvement is also called 'heated acting' and
is identified with 'unity of role and acting'.2 In the style of involvement the emotions
portrayed on stage must seem as 'real' as possible. Ideally, this should be achieved by
the presence ofsimilar feelings in the actor: ' ... the best that can happen is that the actor

"

ACTING STYLES

is completely carried away by the piece. He transcends his own will and lives the part,
without noticing how he feels himself, without thinking about what he is doing, and
everything happens as a matter of course, unconsciously and intuitively' (Stanislavsky
198s).3 The theater researcher Worthen points out that Stanislavsky in this passage
gives the actor an assignment to 'feel spontaneous'. But, by definition, a command to
be spontaneous cannot be obeyed.
Director and acting teacher Lee Strasberg based his work on Stanislavsky and developed Stanislavsky's 'system' into the well-known Ametican 'method '. Strasberg said:
'The actor's task is to create that level of beliefon stage, so that the actor is capable of
experiencing the imaginary events and objects of the play with the full complement of
those automatic physiological responses which accompany a real experience' (Strasberg 1988: IF). 'The method' is considered to go even further than Stanislavsky in
demanding the immersion of the actor into the emotions of the character. By feeding
the character with the actor's personal emotions, the style of involvement believes the

The Russian actor and director Konstanlin
Sergeyevich Slanislavsky (186]-19)8) devoted
his enti re life to the thealer. His father. a
wealthy industrialist. alld his mother, a de·
scendent of a Frellch actress, were art lovers.
Thanks to them he was introduced to ballet,
theater and the 1t"lian opera at a young age. At
scarcely fourteen years of age, he was being
praised for his uting. As he grew more mature,
the actor wu praised for hning eueptional
talent and he played many major roles.
In 1888, along with some othtr Moscow ac'
tors. he founded the Art Gnd!;'erGly Society.
Here, as actor and producer, he began his long
search for the true art of acting. Stni51aYsky
found the actillg of his time false, detached,
and artificial and desired to replace this acting
by - what he tums -lifelike thuter.
Accordillg to Stanislavsky, inorder to make
the audience believe in the character, an actor should display authelltic emotio1l5. The actor should immer5e himselfill a role to such an utent that he actually feels the emotions of the character. The actor
should achieve thi5 stale by delving into the psycholollY of the character. Tools in this process included the
quest ions a.bout the 'who. what, why, and when' of the character. With this new approach to acting,
Stanislavsky introduced a profound change to the theater world. He placed the actor and acting at the eel\ter of a1'lelltion, whereas in his day the tn t was considered the most crucial part of the performance. Sincr
Stanislavsky, acting, especially the rehursal process. has undergone a fundamental change.
The Americall director lee Struberg den loped Stan isfa ~skfs ideas further with the more utreme
method Gcling: more utreme in terms ofimmersioll illto, and psychological analysis of, the character. With
method acting it is.t matter ofthr actor recalling his or her own pe rso nal emotional rxprrience5 which fit
with the emotiolls ofthe character to be played . The actor presents these ',ul' and strongly rxprrienced
emotions to the audience a5 if they were those ofthe character. from '95' until hi5 death in '981, Struberg
was artistic director of New York 's The Actors S'udio. which is known as the temple of method acting.
37

performance will become more believable; the actor's expression will be more convincing and the audience will, in turn, become more involved themselves. This performative process is frequently referred to as 'identification'.
The style of involvement, however, inevitably confronts the problem of'repeatability'. The actor 'lives the part', according to Stanislavsky and Strasberg, by 'actually experiencing analogous feelings every time the role is recreated' (Stanislavsky 1985: 23). But
how can the actor experience fresh emotions time and again, after frequent rehearsals
and several performances? In the style of involvement, the actor, assisted by his 'emotional memory', can activate his private emotions in such a way that these correspond
with those ofthe character, 'new, each time'. The dramatic situation ofthe character is
the stimulus for the emotional memory, which the actor puts to work by answering
'who, what, where, and why', the w-questions. Here one can note the influence of
Pavlov, who proved that conditioning processes lead to automatic reflexes.4 Similarly,
emotions can also be reproduced, as proponents ofthe style ofinvolvement contend.
As with Diderot, the primary goal here is to arouse emotions in the audience,
(although one must ask whether Diderotmeant the same thing by 'arousing emotions'
as contemporary advocates of the style of involvement do). According to the style of
involvement, moving the audience, creating in them identification or empathy with a
character's emotional experiences, demands the presence of similar emotions in the
actors of those characters. But this is contrary to Diderot's opinion. Stanislavsky proposes that natural emotions must occur at the same time in the actor in order to arouse
emotions in the audience. The style ofinvolvement resolves, or at least obscures, the
dilemma of the actor by urging the actor to enter fully into the character, by creating
the itlusion that the actor actually is the character.s This 'solution' presumes a double
consciousness on the actor's part. The actor relives the emotions of the character during the performance 'over and over again', but at the same time he keeps them under
control. I will discuss to this so-called double consciousness within the several acring
styles.
In the style ofinvolvement the emphasis is seemingly placed on the private emotions
ofthe actor, butacmally the emphasis is placed on the character-emotions. The actor's
private emorions are in the service ofthe character. The starring point for the emotions
in the performance are those of the character, as presented in the dramatic text. The
private emotions ofthe actot are used to shape the inner model, forming the basis for
the character in the performance. Shaping the inner model must meet the criteria of
'truthfulness', emotions must be recognizable as they appear in daily life. Therefore
the actor fills the model with his own emotional memories and experiences. Moreover,
the style of involvement presumes that private emotions will be relived time and again
in performance.
Referring back to the four levels of enactment (section 2.6) the level of the actorctaftsman is negligible in the style of involvement, playing a minor part with respect
to controlling the acting process. Concentration is required ofthe actor-craftsman during prepararion, but otherwise little mention is made ofthe actor as a professional with
task-related emotions. The actor-craftsman must certainly not be visible to the audience. In the style ofinvolvementemorions are imagined to be completely synchronized

,8

ACTING STYLES

and parallel on all four levels ofenactment. Moreover the emotions experienced in the
audience should also patallel the emotions onstage.

3.3

The Style of Detachment

The style ofdetachment rejects the principle ofidentification ofthe actor with the character during performance: 'A happy character does not need to be played by a happy
actor. The same goes for a tragic character' (Boysen 1988c: Il). The style ofdetachment
is most strongly associated with Brecht. The emotions of characters are 'shown' or
'demonstrated' in a reproducible form, referring to emotions as they occur in reality,
but not identical to them. 6 Brecht's main goal is to present social situations on the
stage as processes which can be altered or reconstructed. The task of the actor is to
focus the audience's attention on the socio-political aspects ofthe situation by presenting the socialized interaction ofpeople, the (social) positions ofthe characters and the
political-economic interests which are at stake. This does not demand the emotional
involvement ofthe actors with their characters.
Brecht's emphatic rejection of the overlap of actor's emotions with character-emotions in performance was a reaction against the central role that emotions play in
Stanislavsky's style of involvement. Brecht finds Stanislavsky naive in this respect.
With Brecht, actors not only present characters, but also explicitly present 'themselves', their actual beings on stage and have opinions about the characters. By letting
go of the demand for identification or involvement and by rejecting the effort to create
the illusion of reality on the stage, the style of detachment is clearly parallel to
Diderot's standpoint on acting in Paradoxe; in I932 Brecht even wanted to found a
Diderot association.7
Repeatability is guaranteed in the style of detachment by placing emphasis on technical mastery over the portrayal ofemotions, situations, and motives. This style ofacting is therefore sometimes referred to as 'calculated'. A question raised by this style is
the believability of expression, just as it is with Diderot's 'emotionless' actor: 'While
Diderot focused on the "emotion-free" actor of dual consciousness, however, he did
not specifY ~ow the actress could perform without appearing unnatural and mannered'
(Rovit I989: 304). For Brecht believability is not only a matter of technical command
over emotional portrayal, but also ofrevealing conflicting aspects in people, e.g., a villain also has a generous side (ef. Hen Pt,mtilla). Believability also lies, :J.ccording to
Brecht, in making elements of the situation which lead to emotional reactions visible
and by revealing the underlying social interests which are addressed and the social
advantages/disadvantages the situation offers the characters.
The acting style directly relates to Brecht's desired effect on the audience. While
Brecht wanted critical reflection on the part ofthe audience, he did not reject emotions
outright; indeed at points he spoke of arousing emotions in the audience: 'Is that not
precisely why we go to the theatre, to allow such diverse feelings to be aroused in us?'
(1967: 393). However, the emotional reactions which OCCut in the epic theater audience
will, according to Brecht, be qualitatively different than those witnessing the theater of
involvement. This results from a critical reflection and recognition of the processes
being shown. Alongside the 'epic' theater form, the style of detachment can be dis39

~rtolt Bre:cht ('898"956) studied physics
be:fore be:coming intere:sted in literature and

theattr. ln '9u he achieved widuprud fame
with Tron""t'" i" dtr Nocht. only his second
theOltriul production. In the years from 11)28 to
19B he wrote diverse works including the Thrtt
Ptnng Optro (1928) and Mann ist Monn (1911).
In these pieces he uperimented with 'epic
thuter' which 100id the buis for the style of
dttachment. In epic theater the actors 'tell'.
as it wert. the story to the audience. With his
uperimental epic thuter performances Brecht
pre:sstd to let the naked bcts speak for them·
selves as in a documentOlry. Then uperimtnh
made Brecht one of the most important drama
innovOltors of his time.
The termVufrtmduns (alienation) is inseparable from Brtcht Olnd the epic thuter. This is a technique by wh ich the seeming immutability of social and
historical eve nts is questioned. ' made strange' (alienated) and subjected to discussion. ~(3ust of the so·
cial critique in his work and his politicOlI views. Brecht was fo rced to flee Germany in 19B when Hitler came
to powe:r.
Brecht's ideu intended to instill a critiul attitude in audiences. He wanted to provoke furthtr thoughl.
In his time the opposite of his intent was still seen u the gruttst achievement; the Olud ience hOld to be:
swept away by the emotions ofthe character. For the Olctor. Brecht's new outlook on Ihuter munt that in·
stud ofidentifying himsrlf with his character. the actor hOld to disunce himstlf. The actress Helene
Weigel. Brecht's stcond wife. whom he married in 1928. was unrivaled in utili~ing the artinic possibilities
of the style of detachment in prOlCticr. She be:came legendary for her ability to step out of her role calmly.
and with 01 bit of irony (Vtrfrtmdunss technique). then effortlessly rtsume her part.

cerned in other theatrical forms: Political theater ofthe sixties and seventies - guerrilla
theater, 'agit-prop', etc. - stand as examples. In these forms, the motive was often informational or educational. On the other hand , the physicalized acting of Me ye rhoId,
while directed toward an audience effect, does fall under the style ofdetachment. 8
The solution to the actor's dilemma in the style of detachment lies precisely in
making the dilemma into a theme. There is no suggestion that the actor is at one with
the character, instead both are explicitly shown. Because the epic theater actor also
'shows himself', this raises the question ofwhether the actor shown on stage is really
the same as the actor in private. After all, this 'role' is also included as part of the
dramatic action in the course of the performance. The actor does not step out of the
performance, the actor steps out ofthe role ofthe (one) character and enters in fact into
another role: ' Himself'. The question is whether 'the actor who shows himself' is
meant to be the actor qua private person, or the actor qua professional. In the first case
the actor's private emotions would apparently be relevant, in the second case the emotions of the actor-craftsman. Or, perhaps neither interpretation is correct and ' the
actor who shows himself' is part of an extra layer of roles. Nonetheless, the style of
detachment does allow space for emotions on the enactment level of the actor-

ACTING STYLES

craftsman (section 2.6). In Brecht's theory, emotions on this level are not rejected or ig~
nored. In this respect the style ofdetachment is a more complex form ofacting than the
style ofinvolvement.
Thus, the style of detachment offers no escape from the actor's dilemma either.
Here as well a double consciousness is presumed, expressed in the Brechtian term 'VeT'
ftemdun,g' which implies the simutuneous presence of both actor and character.
According to the style ofdetachment, emotions on the level ofenactment ofthe character become clearest by showing the character's situation. This emphasis on presenting
situational/social conditions also determines where the accent must lie in shaping the
inner model of the intended emotions. In addition to shaping an imagined model for
the character, another model is also imagined to express the particular aspects in the
dramatic situation or events that are provoking emotions.
Brecht and Meyerhold only consider the actor's private emotions as far as their function in the style of detachment differs from their function in the style of involvement.
According to the actress Helene Weigel, private emotions did, however, play a role in
rehearsals with Brecht: 'With Srecht we certainly do not work without involvement,
albeit that involvement alone is not enough' (Weigel, in Hoffmeier r992: q8). 'Empathy' as a technique in rehearsal must be distinguished from the absence ofit during the
performance itself. The viewpoint held in the style of detachment is that the actor's
private emotions have no relevance during the performance.9 In short, this style does
not aim for emotional identification with the characters, neither from the actor nor
from the audience. Here, emotional layers associated with the four levels ofenactment
do not parallel each other.

3.4

The Style ofSelf~Expre55ion

In the style ofself-expression, the expression ofthe actor's own authentic emotions is
key. According to Grotowski (J968: 16): 'Here everything is concentrated on the "ripening" of the actor which is expressed by a tension towards the extreme, by a complete
stripping down, by the laying bear of one's own intimity - all this without the least
trace of egotism or self-enjoyment. The actor makes a total gift of himself. This is a
technique of the "trance" and of the integration of all the actor's psychic and bodily
powers which emerge from the most intimate layers of his being and his instinct,
springing forth in a sort of"translumination".' The most well-known of the self-expression representatives areJerzyGrotowski, Peter Brook, Richard Schechner, and Eu~
genio Barba. These directors and authors often replace actor and character with 'performer' and 'role', whereby the distinction between playing roles in the theater and our
roles in social siruations becomes 'blurred'. 10
The emotions characters portray in performance are the emotions of the actors
themselves and must be as spontaneous and true as possible. Improvisation is ofparamount importance in these presentations - not as a studio/rehearsal technique as with
Stanislavsky and Strasberg - but as a component oflive performance with an audience.
According to Grotowski this is not a question of portraying himself under certain
given circumstances, or of 'living' a part; nor does it entail the distant sort of acting
common to epic theater and based on cold calculation. The important thing is to use
4'

Jeny Grotowski WllS born in Poland in

19B and by agf twenty-six, was dirfctor of
the IrGtr ' J Rldowinin Wroclaw, Poland. In
this theater -I;ltu known lIS the Thtottr Lok·
rotory - he began by exploring thf idfilS of
Stanislavsky. Grotowski WilS particularly im·
pressed by Stanislavsky's mfthods through
which actors imrnfrR themselves in the psy.
chology ofthtcharactu. ln 1965 the labora·
tory was recognind by thf state as an official
ctntfr of research.
looking for what he believed to be thf
eSSfnct ofthfatfr - a direct communication
between the audifncf and the players - Gro·
towski experimented in his 'laboratory' with
two groups, The actors and the audience. By
integrating these two, a production graduaUy
emergtd. The next step was to see how the
actor could break down all thf barrifrs between himself and the audifnce. At this point, Grotowski Ifft his
mentor Stanislavsky behind and devfloJHd his own ideas. Eventually, Grotowski's years of searching led
to the creation of thf Poor Theater. In this form of theater, everything which could pouibly be considered
superfluous - Sfts, costumes, make· up, and even thf hall- WilS eliminated. In the sevfntiu his ideas
emerged as so-called ' happenings ' or 'environmentaltheatfr', whfre the audience joined in the performance. The spectator became an actor. likewise in these years, theaters were exchanged for schoolrooms .
prisons, or factories where uperimfnul performances were given.
Because the Poor Thuter only had the actors' presence, without any artificial theatrical elements,
Grotowski reasoned that thf actor must be in complde control of his physiuland mental capacities. Ef·
fects which might otherwise be achifvfd with costume, make-up,lighting, dc. must be theatricJlliud by
the actor himself, for instanct with perfect mime skills. Special postures, gestures, and use of voict must
further shape the character. To achieve the desired results, the actor is oftfn subjected to strenuous physiCJlI training. Grotowski's idfu on theater are compiled in Towords GPoor TMGttr (1g68>.

the role as a trampolin , an instrument with which to study what is hidden behind our
everyday mask - the innermost core ofour personality - in order to sacrifice it, expose
it' (Grotowski I9 68 : 37).
In a performance that utilizes the style ofself-expression, the actor and the cha racter
become one entity to such a great extent that one can properly use the term 'fusion'.
Kirby and Hogendoorn go so far as to wonder if the term acting can rightfully be applied to performances in theatrical ' happenings' , 'environmental theater', and similar
'performances' .11 The actor presents himselfwithout pretending to be anything or anyone else. 12 Oddly enough, one finds that the representatives of the seemingly most
emotional and active means of expression also demand the tightest discipline and
forms ofmovement. However for Grotowski there was no contradiction between internal technique and artificiality. He contends that 'a personal process which is not supported and expressed by a formal articulation and disciplined structuring of the role is
not a release and will collapse in shapelesness'. (1968: 17). The work of other propo-

ACTING STYlES

nents of this acting style also reveals great importance attached to the actor's technique. In the west, ideas are frequently drawn from ritualized eastern theatrical forms
and acting traditions such as Noh, Kabuki, and Khatakali, in which precise, strict rules
and techniques are foundational (e.g., Zarrilli 1990; 1995).
Grotowski (1968: I2I) and Brook (I968: 64) both subscribe to the understanding
'that both spontaneity and discipline, far from weakening each other, mutually reinforce themselves'. In performance the use ofvoice and kinetic bodies within this acting
style verge 'vocally and physically upon acrobatics'. The goal of certain ofGrotowski's
exercises is, for example, to 'command each facial muscle' so that the actor can consciously isolate and manipulate minute physical areas: 'For example, make the eyebrows quiver very fast while the cheek muscles tremble slowly' (I968: 146). The actor
must be able to create masks using all ofone's facial muscles.
The importance Brook, Grotowski, and others attach to technical control and discipline ofform is not strongly evidenced in much theater practice. In theatrical 'happenings', 'performances', and 'environmental theater', as presented in the seventies, there
was a one-sided emphasis on spontaneous 'living', or a full-blown revelation ofprivate
emotions. According to Brook, the misapprehensions of this acting style led to the
emotional abandon and unhesitating self-exposure, 'the same belief that every detail
must be photographically reproduced.... The result is often soft, flabby, excessive, and
unconvincing' (Brook 1968: 132).
As with any style, in self-expressive acting the performance needs to be viewed in
relation to the desired effect on the audience. In this case by having actors expose
themselves, sometimes literally, and by playing with taboos and provocation: 'The happening shock is there to smash through all the barriers set up by our reason' (Brook
I968: 81, 62) to create a profound emotional response. In this form of acting there is
also an educational effect: Audiences learn to analyze themselves, to find themselves by
removing their social roles or masks. To achieve or intensifY this, the audience is incorporated into the structure of the stage action, leading to an integration of the audience's and the actors' space. Thus, the emotional effect on the audience is radically different from the effects sought by the acting styles ofinvolvement or detachment.
The dilemma is 'resolved' in the style ofself-expression by not treating the character
as a separate entity. Elements ofthe characters are used to display the essential personal emotions: '[of] laying oneselfbare, oftearing offthe mask ofdaily life, ofexterioriz·
ing oneself' (Grotowski I968: 210). The character selVes the actor, an exact reversal of
the method of involvement. Therefore the dilemma would apparently appear to be
resolved. However, the theater critic Martin Esslin contends that this actor is unable to
evade the dilemma. He explains that these actors are unwittingly but centrally preoccupied with showing the audience that they are indeed actors. Reacting to a performance
of the Living Theater where actors and audience intermingled Esslin writes: 'It became
even more essential to make the audience aware ofthe fact that these were actors; they
had to "act" that they were actors pretending to be real people engaging in a conversation. Otherwise they would have been mistaken for just another member of the audience who could be ignored or snubbed' (Esslin 1987: 78). The 'performer' cannot
escape making clear in one way or another that he is the actor and is therefore distinct
4l

Gestural -ideograms for fac ial express ions (Grotowsk i '968, 71 )

from the audience. Theater director Gerardjan Rijnders also maintains that an actor
who plays himself onstage is also playing a role. ' 3 Richard Schechner says: 'Professional actors are aware that they are acting.. 14 The apparent solution ofthe dilemma in
the style of self-expression is then yet another version of double consciousness: An
awareness of the presentation for the audience and of 'acting as if the audience is not
there' (Barba and Savarese 1991: 242). Self-expressive performances also presume another double awareness: The performance of an artificial form (the role) and the expression ofspontaneous. true emotions (the self). Barba talks in this context about the
duality ofthe 'performer': 'Being natural, yet highly artificial' (1991: 148,242).
By analyzing the style ofself-expression in relation to the four levels ofenactment, as
outlined in section 2.6, the private emotions ofthe actor as private person form the center point. Private emotions are used in the style of self-expression primarily to express
the self, whereas in the style of involvement the actor's private emotions are used to
model the emotions ofthe character. In the style ofself-expression, emotions belonging
to a character are in the service of the actor's own emotions. The intended emotions
<which are on the enactment level ofthe inner model) are expressed in the style ofselfexpression with a strict formal discipline, in a 'score'; the character-emotions are noted
in this score in such a way that the actor is only free to play 'himself' once he masters the
external form completely. If the actor shows 'himself' during the performance one
could in principle also include the emotions of the actor-craftsman (on the enactment
level of rhe actor-craftsman) , but this is unlikely the intention ofthe style.

ACll NG STYLE S

3.5

Solutions for the Dilemma

The three 'solutions' offered for the actor's dilemma in the three styles of acting described above all presume a double consciousness on the part of the actor while portraying emotions in a performance. A double consciousness of 'sincere conviction as
well as control, of involvement and control' (the style of involvement), or the dualism
of' not being himselfbut rather seeming to be another' (the style ofdetachment) or the
'dual experience of performer as role and actor' (the style of self-expression).'5 The
question is then: To what extent does the presumption of double consciousness solve
the actor's dilemma? But this seems to be a misleading question, a displacement ofthe
problem, since double consciousness assumes different forms within the different
acting styles. '6
It is noteworthy that as early as 1942 the French researcher ViIliers ascertained that
there are three different meanings ascribed to 'double consciousness' (didoublement).
These can be related to the three acting styles delineated here. '7 First, the style of involvement. The double consciousness of the actor in the style of involvement consists
of being swept up completely by emotions, comparable to the character-emotions,
while simultaneously controlling them. Villiers describes this as his third definition of
'didoublement': 'The actor feels absolutely like the character, but he also reserves the
feeling of his own selfas an actor' (1942: 203) . The involved actor would feel just like
the character, but observe himself as well. In this definition of the dou ble consciousness the actor seems to be the character.

4;

In the second distinct acting style, the style of detachment, double consciousness consists oftaking actions or 'behaving' like a character and at the same time being visibly
present as an actor. This interpretation resembles Villiers' second definition ascribed
to 'didoublement', in which 'the scenic feeling coincided with a critical attitude' (1942 :
202.) . Villiers proposes that 'this phenomenon is analogous with anyone whose function is to influence a crowd, with all sorts ofspeakers' (1942: 2.02.). As noted in section
3.3, the role ofthe actor in the style ofdetachment can moreover include a doubIe consciousness between who the actor is and who the 'presented actor' is. In other words,
the actor is visible as character as well as actor.
In the style ofself-expression there is a double consciousness of ,being oneself' and
at the same time being aware of ' the artificial nature ofthe appearance' : Becoming immersed in and portraying true emotions versus the unavoidable awareness ofbeing an
actor or 'performer' , ofstanding before an audi ence. This parallels Vii [iers' first explanation of 'Mdoublement', in which 'the personality of the actor makes place for that of
the character' (I942: 202, 203) . In th is case an actor would not experience discrepancy
during the performance, but realizes the distinction once offstage. The comparison
with an actor in the style ofself-expression does not match completely, because in the
style of self-expression the character is 'adjusted' to the personality ofthe' self' ofthe
actor. In this sense of 'didoublement' the character (the role) is the actor himself.
To solve the paradox by presuming there is a double consciousness in che acror, as
something specific to actors and their work, is a spurious solurion. Various scholars
argue that a reference to the double consciousness can be gleaned from Diderot's Para·
doxe: 'The requirements of Diderot's ideal actor would use the "split" to become both
marionette and marionettist at the same time. In this way the actor exploits his body as

General Approaches to ACtin Emo ions 0 Stage
(OASEDON KONIJN 1994)

Acting style

Emotional relationship
actor-character

hampleof
theatrical form
or genre

Intended tffut
on the audience

1

involvement
(e.g., Stanislavsky,
Strasberg)

actor " character

naturalistic,
illusionistic,
realistic

involvement,
identification,
empathy with
character

1

detachment
(e.g. Meyerhold,
Brecht)

actor" not character

'epic'. ' Iehrstiicke',
political theater

reflection on situational
demands and interests
ofthe character

character " actor

theater ofcruelty,
'happenings',
'living thuter'

troubling the
' inner self' and
'unm.uking'
the audience

3 self·upression
(e.g., Brook,
Grotowski)

ACTI NG STYlES

an instrument (the puppet) through which he plays roles. It is by means ofthis "double
consciousness" that the actor produces art' (Rovit 1989; 40). Or when Diderot points
out that the actress Clairon is 'the soul ofa marionette, a doll which surrounds her, in
which she has nestled herself firmly through preparation. (. .. ) At such times she is a
double: The little Clairon and the great Agrippina'(I985: 54).
Despite the different meanings ascribed to the double consciousness in the different
acting styles, a common feature is also clear. By reducing the problem of double consciousness to its more concrete and central constituent problems found in each ofthe
descriptions of acting styles, an inventory can be made of the common acting tasks
contained in the actor's work on stage.

3.6

Acting Tasks

However broadly the acting styles discussed differ from one another in their views on
acting emotions, in each style there are four central elements. Namely, (I) the 'inner
model' of the imagination, (L) believability of expression, (3) repeatability and <4> the
problem ofspomaneity, inspiration or ·presence'. Using a variety of terminology, the
authors discussed above devote concentrated attention to addressing these four elements in their methods. It is an easy task to see these four potentially opposed positions in the phenomenon ofthe double consciousness. The inner model seems to be at
odds with the concept ofspontaneity, inspiration and 'presence'. Believability seems to
oppose repeatability of the emotions to be portrayed. All four aspects can be found in
Paradoxe sur le Com€dien, and wiLl appear below where these acting tasks are discussed in
relation to their importance in the relationship between the emotions ofthe actor and
the character. Each task leads moreover to formulating a skill required to be able to act
emotions. In the discussion below, it is assumed that the execution of acting tasks in
performance must be prepared during the rehearsal period.
3-6.1
Inner Model In his imagination or fantasy the actor must form a model ofthe
character he wants to portray on stage. Diderot introduces the 'modele ideal' as an internally imagined idea of the character, based on characteristic manifestations of the intended character. He illustrates this with , among others, The Miser by Moliere, who
must be the sum, 'the greatest common denominator of all misers' and not simply 'a'
miser we know in daily life. The inner model contains the Miser who possesses 'the
most general and notable character traits' of aH common misers, 'but is not an exact
portrait ofany' (Diderot 1985: 80). The importance offorming a model in the imagination emerges in the various methods with references to concepts like fantasy, imagination and 'emotional memory'. With Stanislavsky the actor forms an inner model with
the help of 'artistic imagination' ([991: 2[) to answer the w-questions (who, what,
where, why, when).
Strasberg lets the actor relive his personal emotional memories to make the abstract
emotions of the character concrete. According to Brecht it is necessary to know and
understand the social circumstances and relationships of the people (as characters) to
form a model ofthe most conspicuous features of the emotions. In the method of selfexpression, 'the intimacy ofthe deepest inner emotions' can only be expressed believ47

ably by finding universal principles, established in a strict form, a 'score', and also detailed in 'gesture ideograms' .18 To complete the inner model (of the emotions to be
portrayed as the character or the role, the actions and situations) with as much detail
and as concretely as possible, knowledge of human interaction and daily emotions is
required. During the performance the inner model selVes as a guideline. One could say
that the style of involvement is directed toward the psychology of the character within
the dramatic context; that the style of detachment calls upon the psychology of social
relationships; and the style of self-expression is directed toward the psychology ofthe
individual.
3.6.2 Credibility The actor must present the imagined model to the audience with
credibility and conviction. Because the components ofthe inner model are different for
each method, believability is attached to different aspects ofthe portrayal ofemotions.
In the style ofinvolvement, credibility means creating 'the illusion ofreality- as in daily
life'; the actor is invisible and the audience believes, for a moment, that the actor is the
character. With the involved actor, emorional memory recalls personal emotions which
are necessary to lend believability to character-emotions. With the style ofdetachment
it is important that the actions, the situations rendered, and the underlying relationships are credible and not so much the emotions as such.
Brecht asks us to believe that tlte actions and emotions represented find basis in
plausible and mutable processes in social reality; the goal is not a temporary beliefin a
fiction or illusion. Thus acting in the style ofdetachment incorporates elements which
remind the audience of immediate reality, alienation effects, as when actors 'drop'
their role to voice a 'personal' opinion of the character they play. The emotions of the
characters need not have a detailed illusion of reality, but they must be recognizable to
the audience. This can often be achieved with small, symbolic references. Believability
in the sense of genuine - not fake - is seen with the style of self-expression when the
actor unmasks himself. The audience accepts the role presented as an expression of
'the self' ofthe actor.
In all three styles credibility requires a well developed 'expressive instrument'. This
instrument is the actor himself: Voice, posture, countenance and movement. Grotowski's physical exercises reveal the high standards for these 'expressive instruments' (see
'masks' in box illustrating section 3.4). '9 The believability of Diderot's emotion-free
actor lies precisely in his command oftechnical skills: 'An actor who has achieved technical mastery and a higher self-awareness (... ) can most truthfully and gracefully reflect
inner conditions through gesture.' (Rovit I 989; 97). Th e style ofdetachment in particular raises the question ofhow to avoid falling into false mannerisms and cliches. With
the styles of involvement and self-expression, the question is how to insure control
over the emotions and to guarantee the repeatability of'spomaneous' emotions.
3.6.3
Repeatability - Second ature The expression of the inner model must not
only be believable and convincing but must moreover be repeated. Every performance
must in great measure resemble the previous one: 'The actor's expression, however,
must be unambiguous, ordered, tenacious, and persevering. And it must be repeatable.

ACTI NG STYLE S

And quite during a particular course ofaction, at the same time, at the same place, in
the same situation, and in the same way' (Boysen 1988a: 27). Various scholars have analyzed Diderot's pivotal idea that character behavior can become an automatic process
through training the actor: ' ...train his body to react automatically in portraying alreadyrehearsed signs ofemotion' (Rovit 1989: 98).20 It is remarkable how these ideas return
in contemporary acting theory as one ofthe fundamental problems in acting.
With the style of involvement, training methods are focused on an automatic progression of intended emotions during every performance: 'If the fantasy is practiced
each day systematically referring to the same theme each time, then everything that
stands in relation to the imagined situation ofthe piece will become a habit, a second
nature' (Stanislavsky 1991: 38; also 1989: 242; 1985: 23). The style of detachment emphasizes the technical command of the role and the 'cool' presentation of characteremotions, so that repetition will pose no problemY The difference between the styles
of involvement and detachment is aptly described by Emmet: 'If you agree with Constant [Coquelin), the rehearsal period is used to learn how to simulate emotions. Ifyou
agree with Constantin [Stanislavsky], the rehearsal period is used to discover how to
stim ulate emotions (Emmet 1975: 18; italics EK).
In the work ofadvocates ofthe style of self-expression, 'second nature' also plays a
very important part in the strict discipline of form. As found in eastern theater forms,
the expressive actor must make the rigorous patterns of a style so much his own that
space will open up therein for personal, creative content (e.g. , zarrilli, 1990). The actor
'must learn to perform all this unconsciously in the culminating phases of his acting'
(Grotowski 1968: 36) and 'He must bring into being an unconscious state ofwhich he
is completely in charge' (Brook 1968: 143). Frequent rehearsal to make drama texts and
actions 'second nature' is necessary so that these will no longer demand the actor's
concentration during the actual performance.
In each ofthe three acting styles a large part ofthe training is directed toward forming 'the instrument' , through voice training, text training, posture, gesture, and movement, as well as with 'aUl:Omatic' rendering of specific signals which point to specific
character-emotions. The authors discussed agree that the actor needs regular and
numerous rehearsals to arrive at 'the seemingly self-evident ease' (Freriks and Rijnders
1992: 57), with which his arcwork unfolds for the audience. In short, repeatability
requires lengthy training of the general and character-specific features of emotions.
'This "superimposed" form is usually the biggest problem', according to Freriks and
Rijnders (1992: 96). How can one make a repeatable, fixed, stylized expression seem
'like new'? The task ofmaking a role 'second nature' seems to be the inverse ofmaking
the performance spontaneous, inspired or achieving 'presence' .
3.6.4 Spontaneity - presence A believable portrayal ofemotions seems to require
(the illusion of) spontaneous emotions, whereas reproducibility of the inner model
requires a more or less fixed form. Interestingly, both aspects - reproducibility and
spontaneity - are, according to Grotowski, 'two complementary aspects ofthe creative
process' (1968; 209). The various authors discussed include this idea in the acting
methods [hey describe.
49

Tn the style ofInvolvement, spontaneiry, in thesenseof'truthfully' presented emotions,
purports to be guaranteed by the presumed functioning of emotional memory. However, the portrayal of a chaotic or ugly character must also be designed, controlled and
esthetic. The actor must know how to distingUish 'between what and how, between the
theme and the way of performing it' (Chekhov 1953: IS). Stanislavsky points out that
habit contributes greatly to spontaneity, in the sense of creativity, and that inspiration
can exist thanks to technique. n Grotowskl (self-expression) shares this view: 'Creativity, ... is boundless sincerity, yet disciplined: i.e. articulated through signs' (1968: 261).
Emmetalso states: 'Inspiration in performance, as so many actors have pointed out, IS
more likely to descend from heaven the more painstakingly the role has been prepared'
(1975: 18). Brook compares the need for a rigid form to express spontaneous emotions
with the basic training ofa pianist.23 According to Brook, an actor can only experience
how much freedom there can be within the strictest discipline when he commands his
technique. Grotowski too demands discipline for self-expression in acting: 'We find
that artificial composition not only does not limit the spiritual but actually leads to it....
The form is like a baited trap, to which the spiritual process responds spontaneously
and againstwhich it struggles' (1968: 17).
From these statements one can deduce that spontaneity, creativity, and inspiration
point to 'something' in the presented emotions which makes the authenticity, liveliness, or immediate nature ofthe portrayal visible and tangible. 'Something' that shows
the here and now, the actuality ofthe performance, to the audience: 'There is only one
element ofwhich film and television cannot rob the theater: The closeness ofthe living
organism' (Grotowski 1968: 41). 'Something' which moreover prevents a mechanical
portrayal of'cold' emotional expressions or hollow tricks. 'The study ofwhat exactly
this means opens a rich field. Itcompels us to see what living action means, ... , what is
partially alive, what is completely artificial- until slowly we can begin to define what
the actual factors are that make the act ofrepresentation so difficult' (Brook 1968: 155).
This 'something' points toward a slightly different use of the term 'spontaneity' in
the acting methods described, e.g., the spontaneous, inspired acting or the actor's
'presence' where presence connotes more than merely the opposite of absence.
Stanislavsky calls it 'a state of being' or 'having charisma' or 'beaming radiance'. 24
JosefKelera says in Grotowski's book: 'The actor radiates a sort ofpsychic light. I can
not find another way to put it. At the high point ofthe role everything that is technical
by nature is illuminated from within' (in Grotowski I968: IOg).25 With Batba, presence is the central point around which the rest ofthe actor's performance revolves. As
a result of anthropological studies on acting, Barba comes to the conclusion that an
actor's energy and inner tension give him presence and that this is one ofthe universal
principles of acting. As with Brook: 'The energy that fed the months of work that
eventually illuminated all the structure of sub-plot' (Ig68: gI). With Barba we find,
moreover, that being able to create presence is part ofthe actor's task description, and
relates to his capacity to make an impression on the audience - preferably an unforgettable one.
It is a requirement of the gifted actor to 'have' or to create 'something', with which
he forges a memorable imptession on the audience. 25 In anticipation ofthe following
5"

ACTI NG STYlES

chapters, I suggest here that ' having presence' is a crucial part of creating the illusion
of 'spontaneous' character-emotions: It is the active agent which renders the illusion
'real'.

3.7

Emotions ofthe Actor-Craftsman

In the acting methods discussed above, there is a notable absence of interest in the
emotions ofthe actor himself; that is to say, emotions which result from the level ofenactment ofthe actor as a professional craftsman - the emotions connected to executing
acting tasks on stage before an audience. I have already named this category of emotions task-emotions. The tasks assigned to the actor, as distilled from the above, can be
placed into a temporary, general task description. I propose that during a performance
it is the actor's task to give expression to an inner model with as much conviction and
believability as possible. In this process, some aspects ofthe portrayal have, on the one
hand, become second nature (repeatable) and, on the other hand, the portrayal of the
character has the illusion or the element ofspontaneously aroused emotions.
Task-emotions can arise from the conflict ben.veen the inner model, 'as the actor
imagined the character would be', and his actual rendition of the character, but also
from the effect that the audieoce has on the actor. Brecht pays great attention to the fact

Peter Brook was born in 19;Z~ in Lon don to Russian parents. His first productions wtrt ptrformtd during World War 11
and soon afttr the war he was engaged by
the RO!/ill Shok.uptort (ompon!j. The dirtc·
tor CiI.used a (uror with, among others, his
production ofTilus Andronicul (1955), with
Lawrtnct Olivitr in the Inding rolt. ln
the si~ties, Brook was drawn to tht self·
uprtssive acting ofAnlonin Artaud and
the dttachtd acting of Btrtolt 8rtcht.
These conflicting acting styles influenced
him grtatly and by combining Ihest two
ulrtmeS, Brook crutrd an acting style
which btcamt tht hallmarlc of tht RO!/ol
Shobsptore Compon!j.
In '970 Brook established an inttr·
national center for thea1tr research in
Paris, where he brought logtlhtr actors,
musicians, mimts, and acrobats (rom
many countriu. With this group ht aimtd
to t.ransctnd the boundaries of nations,
cultures, and disciplints. 8rook won interltalional celebrity by moving into desolatt villages in the Sahara with his theater group to uplore the bo rder betwetn li(e and duth . Thest elptritncts formtd the tssence for his later theater productions. Brook's
most a.cdaimtd and daunting achitvemtnt was his production offhe Mohobh4rGlo (985); a nine-hour epic
centtrtd around Indian rtligious mythology.

'),

that an actor is not only present on stage as the character but also as an actor, a professional, but he then fails to draw the conclusion that the actor would necessarily also
bring his own emotions with him and not only those concerning the character. With
Brecht and in general, views about acting seem singularly concerned with the preparation oftasks to be performed, the rehearsal process.
The acting theories described give only minimal consideration to two sorts oftaskemotions: Concentration and 'stage fright'. Concentration is cited, especially by
Stanislavsky and Michael Chekhov, as an important and necessary condition for the
actor to complete his task in performance. According to Stanislavsky, the actor can
only become involved in the character by concentrating on the details of the dramatic
situation. In this book, I will consider concentration not only as a means to attain
empathetic involvement, but also as an important task-emotion (4.6). Stage fright is
usually referred to as something which can be disastrous for acting and which must be
eradicated immediately (although opinions differ on this matter inside the profession).
According to conventional wisdom stage fright has a paralyzing effect. 27 Strasberg
bluntly calls stage fright 'the most vulgar preoccupation of all' (Ig88: 57). The actor
must solve this by 'simply concentrating' ,concludes Strasberg (Ig88: I02).
Strictly speaking, stage fright does not happen during the performance, but just
before. According to Villiers 'le trac' is not part of the role interpretation but 'a sort of
impatient anxiety which precedes the role interpretation, and usually disappears quickly' (r942: 148-150). Villiers seems to be indicating general task-related tensions in the
actor, not so much related to the specific emotions ofthe specific character, but attached
to the actor's work itself.
In an earlier study, I also demonstrated that high degrees of tension or stress occur
during actual performance and that these levels must be distinguished from stage
fright (4.8). Actors' tension and energy during a performance are central concerns in
the work of Barba and Savarese. They discuss it as an important component of stage
presence. They find strong parallels between successful performances in different acting styles in Western and Eastern theater traditions. I suspect that task-emotions play a
major function in achieving presence, radiance and power in the presentation.
My hypothesis is that in porttaying character-emotions on stage, the actor will use
or apply task-emotions. The actor is present on stage as a professional and uses the
emotions which are related to this level ofenactment to complete his task. He uses the
emotions as an actor-craftsman to lend the illusion of spontaneity and believability to
the reproducible form which has become second nature, based on the inner model.
Seen in this way, it is striking that so little attention has been paid to task-emotions in
the various acting methods.
Without meaning to do so, Strasberg does provide a lead for using task-emotions:
'The important thing is ... not that what the actor deals with is an exact parallel to the
play or the character, bur that when the character thinks, the actor really thinks; when
the character experiences, the actor really experiences - somdhin.g· (Strasberg 1988: 67,
68; italics EK). And further: ' ... it does not matter so much what the actor thinks, but the
fact that he is really thinking something that is real to him at that particular moment'
(1988: rIo). In the next two chapters I will expound step by step, using a psychological
5'

AC TI NG STYl £S

theory ofemotion, that it is mainly the task situation which is 'real' for the actor 'at that
particular moment'.

3.8

Actor and Audience

An important aspect which has bearing on task-emotions is the presence of an alldi~
ellce: 'The very fact ofperformance creates tension for the actor' (Strasberg 1988: 125).
Brook notes that the public assists: 'The audience assists the actor, and at the same
time for the audience itself assistance comes back from the stage' (1968: 156). Analogous to the tension in the actor, caused by the audience, runs the tension (suspense) or
interest ofthe audience in the performance. Regardless ofthe desired effect, the actor's
performance requires that the audience will at least become interested, and at best de~
velop a certain degree ofconcern, attention, fascination, admiration, etc. An important
aspect ofstage acting is therefore to direct the audience's attention; in this context one
also speaks of'manipulating the audience'. 28
According to Kirby, the actor's task is to effect or impact the audience with the intention to do so. One tool for achieving this is a believable, repeatable portrayal ofan inner
model of character-emotions, as noted in the discussion of acting styles. The desired
effects can be of an emotional. reflexive or aesthetic nature (see box on page 42). Despite the aim of contemporary drama to evoke other effects than purely emotional
ones, it seems that moving the audience is consistently the main issue, as the following
quote indicates: 'The very great actors, who arouse the most emotion in the audience.. .' (Freriks and Rijnders 1992: 57). Similarly Diderot writes: 'The actor is tired, but
you are dejected; that is because he has exerted himselfwithout feeling anything, and
you have experienced feelings without exerting yourself If it were otherwise, the profession ofacting would be the most miserable on earth; he is not actually his character,
he plays the role and does it so well that you mistake him for the character: The illusion
is yours alone, he knows himself that it is not real' (Diderot 1985: 57). Moreover, the
audience seems to value a performance the more their emotions have been aroused. 2 9
Esslin pointed out that the audience comes not only to witness events full of suspense, emotion and interesting trials and tribulations which appear as 'real' as possible, but also to enjoy the skill with which the illusion is produced in the art.3° After the
most 'lifelike' and compelling performance, the audience member praises the acting
as 'splendidly natural' or that it was 'so real'. The audience member moreover has
expectations as to the 'correct' degree of involvement by actors (and audience) in different genres oftheater and acting styles: 'Ifself-involvement at each level of role-enactment appears too little or too much for each type oftheater they know, spectators
may judge role-enactment as unconvincing or displeasing' (Constantinidis 1988: 75).31
In previous sections we saw that all specific theater
forms create specific expectations. The audience obObservation ofwh;jt the spect;jtor sees
serving a theatrical work employing an involvement
and what Ielperience as an actress, is com·
pletely different. Moreover, who ~es those
style ofacting is expected to believe (temporarJly) in the
turs! Only the prOI'll' in the first four rows.
'reality' of the character-emotions: The actor 'is' the
(Act.ress Elsie de Brauw in the documen·
character. In theater pieces utilizing a style of detachtary Acttur$ SpeltR EmotitS, NPS 1995)
ment, the audience is expected to reflect critically on the
53

dialectical relationship of the actor to his character; and concurrently believes in the
possibility oftruth in the emotions presented. The audience for theater events in a style
of self-expression is expected to believe the emotions on stage are indisputably those
ofthe actors themselves. Then, the character is only the vehicle. Indeed, it is probable
that audience members base their choice to attend a certain performance on these expectations. Audience expectation and the willingness ofthe audience to 'go along with
it' will also have an effect on the credibility or persuasiveness ofthe character-emotions
displayed (4.6).
In conclusion, I note again here that the actor functions on all four levels of enactment - as private person, actor-craftsman, inner model, and character - simultaneously during the performance, with different accents depending on different acting styles.
The audience, in principle, observes all four levels simultaneously, and usually implicitly. The perception of the audience will usually be directed toward interpreting the
observed behavior as belonging to the characterY The audience member will moreover have his own idea about each of the levels of enactment; what the character
'should' look like (that is to say the inner model ofthe spectator) or whether the degree
to which the emotions of the actor-craftsman may be visible. It is emphasized that
there is a difference in the perception ofthe performance among the participants, e.g.,
the actors, and for the audience.H In a recent study by the researcher Johan Hoom and
me, the perspective ofthe spectator on perceiving and experiencing fictional characters
is elaborated.34 In this book I place focus on the perspective ofthe actor.

3.9

Summary

The question as to what extent the emotions of the actor himself must coincide with
those ofhis character was addressed by Diderot in the eighteenth century. His attempt
to respond is found in his Paradoxe. In contemporary views on acting emotions, we recognize Diderot's paradox as the dilemma of the actor. Three general styles ofactinginvolvement, detachment and self-expression - have been distinguished on the basis
of the variable 'correspondence between emotions of actor and character'. The three
styles pose different views on the relationship between the actor's emotions and the
emotions portrayed as the character.
One solution for the actor's dilemma found in all three styles is the notion ofa 'double consciousness' of the actor. This appears to be a spurious solution, resulting in
three different forms which this double consciousness can assume, all ofwhich merely
displace the problem. The concept of double consciousness can be translated into a
few central aspects, which can be found as common elements in all the acting styles.
These can be reformulated into the actor's tasks when portraying character-emotions
on stage: The inner model of the character in the imagination, the believability of expression, the repeatability of the role as second nature, and the need to achieve spontaneity, inspiration, or presence.
A closer look at these four acting tasks leads to the formulation ofat least four taskrequirements for performing emotions, respectively: Knowledge of human behavior
and how emotions function in daily life; a well-developed expressive instrument; trainingofstage actions and emotional signals so they become second nature; and applying
54

ACTING STYlES

and controlling task-emotions. The emotions connected to executing acting tasks,
which were called task-emotions, are underexposed in the documented acting meth~
ods. They seem however to fulfill an efficacious function in shaping emotions on stage.
For a professional, these task-emotions can contribute to the conviction and believability ofcharacter-emotions as perceived by the spectator. The mutual influence ofthe
actor and the audience member is perceptible in the tension a critical audience causes
the actor to feel, while the actor directs or manipulates the attention or interest of the
audience.
The suggested approach to the actor's work also reveals the psychological nature of
acting emotions. The psychological nature of the double consciousness, the four acting tasks and the task-emotions leads us directly to look more closely at what emotions
actually are and how they function in daily life. What is now needed to continue this
line ofreasoning is a model ofthe emotion process which we can apply to the actor in a
live theater situation. The following chapter will therefore describe a contemporary
theory ofemotions from the field of psychology. From this psychological perspective I
will focus on the emotions ofthe actor as a professional craftsman.

55

4

Emotions and Amno
Well, lending the illusion aftrUlh to that which is not

and sir, without cause, as a game._
Is it not your profession to give life

to fantasized characters on stage?
WIGI PI RA,NDEllO (1990 [1921J: '44)

4.1

Introduction: General Human Emotions

In the last chapter I suggested that task-emotions can play a central part in portraying
character-emotions on stage. Theywould seem to be useful for acting with conviction,
but are not discussed in any of the accepted acting theories. This is perhaps because
most acting theory is limited to the description of a practice-oriented method with
which the actor can reach an optima! job performance relating to his role. Opinions
differ as to exactly what an optimal job performance is, as well as on how to achieve it.
In this book, the accent lies on the acting process and related emotions in the actual
performance. It is plausible that the emotions in performance are different from those
in rehearsals. The presence ofan expectant audience is an important factor here. The
effect ofthe audience on the actor is only broached in most acting theories in terms of
the widely feared idea of stage fright. In this chapter it will become clear that this approach to the actors' task-emotions is too limited.
With the help of current psychological insight into emotions, it will further be
shown that the 'real' emotions in performance are a variety of task-emotions of the
actor. The cognitive emotion theory of Nico Frijda will serve here as a framework. He
bases his theory mainly on important theoretical insights in emotions of Jean-Paul
Sartre, Magda Arnold, and Richard Lazarus. The most important aspects of Frijda's
theory on the nature ofemotions and the emotion process ofgeneral human emotions
will be outlined briefly in the next section (4.2), after which the process ofemotion during acting can be described. This psychological emotion theory will be explained and
elaborated further while applying it to the situation ofthe actor on stage.

4.2

Sadness is Contained in the Situation

Nearly a century ago it was thought that emotion stemmed from certain physical sensations. This reasoning formed the basis for the then generally accepted theory of emotion. This school is referred to as the 'I shake, therefore I am afraid theory'; the JamesLange-theory (1884). Jean-Paul Same (1905-1980) opened the way to a cognitive and
functional approach to emotions. He no longer views emotions as 'subjective states of
mind roaming in the individual detached from an objective world' (1971: 83), but as
having a function in relating to the world around us. Sartre: 'The emotion is a certain
way to understand the world' (r971; 84). Following Same, among others, Frijda's theo-

,6

£MOTIONS AN 0 ACTING

ry views emotions as functional expressions of the individual in response to his environment. Emotions are no longer exclusively physical, internal disturbances, but serve
the personal motives, needs or concerns relating to pleasure and pain, attraction and
aversion. Emotions betray the notion that there are individual interests at stake. These
can be more or less universal and one need not always be conscious ofthem.
The emotional perception is formed initially through the perception ofthe situation.
Where one person sees a situation as threatening, another might see it as inevitable or
challenging. The situation itself does not give rise to emotions. The meaning which
someone gives to a situation makes this person afraid or irritated or provokes a specific
action. Emotions are the convergence of the (im)possibilities offered by the surroundings or situation with the (im)possibilities the individual has with respect to satisfYing
his concerns. Both the threat as well as the hope of satimJing concerns set the emotion
process in motion. Emotions arise in 'the interaction of the siruationa! meanings and
concerns' (Frijda 1988: 352).
The emotion process passes through different stages but is completed in a fraction
ofa second. After an event or a situation (in the surroundings or in thought, fantasy or
imagination) has taken on meaning for a person, it is judged according to its relevance
for satisfYing concerns. This assessment (relevanre evaluation) determines whether or
not there will be emotion. Next, the person appraises whether he can cope with the situation and what the best course of action is (context evaluation). These possibilities for
action determine which emotion will arise, if any do arise. The urgency, gravity, and
difficulty of the situation ultimately determine the intensity the specific emotion will
have (ur,gency evaluation), r
Together the evaluations form a proposal for action, or indicate a tendency (an urge)
to do something: An action tendency. Frijda defines emotions as changes in action readiness with a quantitative aspect of'activation' and a qualitative aspect of'action tendency'. This is the urge to act, to refrain from action, or to suppress the action. Frijda proposes that each emotion is paired with an action tendency, with an urge or impulse to
change the relationship between the person and the environment. Such an impulse can
result in three possible outcomes of the process, or three expressions ofan emotion:
(1) Emotional perception, also including plans for goal-oriented behavior or fantasy;
(2) noticeable behavioral expression such as verbal and non-verbal behavior and facial
expression; and Ul physiological change, for example arousal, accelerated heartbeat,
changes in blood pressure and hormone levels.
In the emotion process every phase has outputs, which are input for the following
phase and lead to feedback loops. 'Every phase in the core process is subject to regulatory intervention by mechanisms, outcome-controlled processes, or voluntary selfcontrol' (Frijda 1986: 456). Regulatory intervention has an effect on the results of the
emotion process: The output. Regulation influences the often disturbing or uncomfortable side effects ofemotions, but regulation has limitations. It will be explained in
section 4.9 how regulation processes can benefit acting. Regulation processes are
constantly active; for example in the 'social roles' we perform. We often mask our
'true' nature orour 'real' feelings by other signs, for example a polite smile instead of
a jealous glance. Now that Frijda's model has been sketched, this model can be used
57

to describe the emotion process in acting. Gradually, the 'deeper layers' of the emotion process will be explained.

4.3

The Emotions of Characters

We will apply Frijda's model quite literally to describe the emotion process ofan imaginary actor who portrays the emotions ofa character, for example the revenge of Medea.
In the first phase, it becomes clear immediately that the situation for the actor has a different meaning than for the character. Concerning the situation ofthe actor, there is an
actual context in which the confrontation with an actual audience takes place. In this
context, specific tasks must be executed which involves, among other things , rendering character-emotions. For the character, there is a dramatic context in which, for
example, the character Medea is betrayed and abandoned by Jasoo, after she left her
country and family for him and has sacrificed much. The essence of her womanhood
has been offended.
The actor's emotions relate to the actual context, which is called here the task situation. For the actor, the character-emotions relate to the fictional context, which, in this
study, is called the character situation or the dramatic situation. These two 'worlds' are
connected to the various levels ofenactment of the actor. The actor's private emotions
and task-emotions each concern the actual context: Respectively the actor acting as private person and the actor acting as professional. The intended emotions and the character-emotions each concern the dramatic world (a fictional world for the actor); Respectively the enactment levels of the character as inner model and the character as
actually portrayed in the performance.

ocess f emotion
(AfT R rRI'OA 1')8 : 454)

input

event/situat ion

concerns

evaluation
- yes /no emotion (relevance)
- which emotion or quality ofemotion (context)
- intensity ofemotion (urgency)

regulation

proposal for action

(action tendency)
output

expressed in
- subjective perception
- behavior (expression)
- physiology
feedback

Terms in Emotion Theory
Concerns, interests: Desires, needs, passions or Pfrsonality traits . The emotion process revolves
around, as it were, looking after concerns.
Relevance evaluation: The situation or event is appraised in order to determine whether concerns
are at stake. This appraisal determines whether or not an emotion will arise.
Context evaJuation: The situation or event is evaluated in order to judge whether the person can
cope with the situation and, subsequently, what action he can best take. This judgment signals
the main contextual components and determines which emotion will arise.
Urgency evaluation: The intensity ofthe emotion is determined as a result of the urgency. gravity, and difficulty of the situation. The more serious the situation, the more intenn the emotion.
Action tendency; Urge or impulse to encute a specific action, or to suppress one.
Regulation, Corrections (restraints) on the different phases and the output ofthe emotion
process. Social codes ofbehavior or uncertainty can be strong regulators.

The actor's private emotions fall into the category of general human emotions, as we
know them in daily life and which are the subject of psychological emotion theories.
The task-emotions of the actor are a specific sub-set of these. The question is to what
extent it is possible to consider the intended emotions and character-emotions as subsets of general human emotions. I presume that they are of a fundamentally different
nature than the emotions we encounter in daily life. The intended emotions exist in the
fantasy ofthe actor: A mental image of how he is going to portray the emotions of his
character on stage. The realization of this inner model on the stage leads to specific
behavior by the actor which is intended to be seen by the audience as the behavior ofthe
character (which perhaps indicates emotion). Because the character-emotions are a
realization ofthe intended emotions, their nature and kind will be comparable to each
other, but they are not the same as emotions in daily life. This will be further explained
below.

4+'
Character· Emotions Most drama or theater performances represent human
interaction and human conflict. In principle all the emotions of daily life can be
touched in a theater piece. Dramatic action is usually characterized by a great diversity
and high concentration of emotions, varying in quality and intensity. The dramatist
Baker even proposed that 'the accurate portrayal of emotions is the basis of good
drama'. ~ The diversity and intensity ofthe emotions which an actress has to parade in
the short span oftime in which she plays Medea, Elektra, or Andromacht" for example,
would not be possible in daily life. The capacity of people to 'play act' offers possibi lities to 'conjure up worlds which do not exist, and to do so in such a convincing way that
the audience easily exchanges these conjured worlds for a real world, as though a pretend emotion were a real emotion' (Schoenmakers 1989: 38). Emotions of characters
59

are then not the same as the general emotions in daily life: 'Things are not as they
seem.'
Because we see 'real people' who portray character-emotions, and moreover use
the same term emotion for general human emotions as well as for the emotions of
characters, the interchange is understandable. This is partially explained by the habit
of giving the same name to the observation of behavior (which seems to suggest an
emotion) as to the emotion itself. This impression has sometimes also been created
by the research on emotion (see chapter 5). In these cases, emotions have been attributed to fellow men, having been deduced from or reduced to a behavioral expression.
In theory this is understandable because these expressions of emotion are the part of
an emotion which can be observed in others. In this book, the hyphenated term character-emotions or the combined use of'portrayed emotions' will always be used to indicate the represented behavior of characters meant to suggest the character's 'emotion'.
The character-emotions are therefore, in this book, only understood as the behavior
an actor exhibits on stage which, in the eyes ofthe audience, appears to be an expression ofa real emotion: ' ... the living characters who the actors are on stage are measured with the same standards with which we judge people in daily life.'3 A characteremotion is a representation ofan apparently real emotion. In 2.4 a character-emotion
was defined as a construction ofsigns, formed after a model ofa general human emotion, to create a believable and convincing illusion of the emotion as we know it in
daily life. The desirability in some acting styles , namely the styles of involvement and
self-expression, of arousing the same emotions in the actor will be discussed further
in chapter 5. We are all familiar with how acting out or watching someone else acting
out emotions can give rise to 'real ' emotions. For now, this chapter will consider character-emotions and character-situations as constructions ofbehavior which represent
emotional behavior. apart from how their portrayal is achieved. First, the emotion
process ofthe actor will be discussed .
4. 3.2 Task-E motions of the Actor A psychological consideration ofacting leads to
the presumption that the real emotional experiences of the actor on stage are aroused
by the task situation as its primary source. The actor's task-emotions concern the core
ofstage acting. As seen in the previous section, the specific meaning a situatian has for
a person is the root ofan emotion. This meaning is determined by the individual concerns at stake combined with the results of the evaluation of the situation's relevance,
context, and urgency (figure 4 . I) . Thus. in order to describe the task-emotions one
ill ust identifY the relevant concerns involved in executing acting tasks and the most irnportant characteristics ofthe context at hand .
Because the focus in this study is on character-acting, only limited aspects of the
actor's tasks are dealt with . Particularly the acting tasks concerned with giving shape to
character-emotions ; the actor has to do this in a way that an audience will recognize
them as (represented) emotions and , preferably, the audience will be moved by them.
This is perhaps the most difficult among the tasks ofacting. The specific interpretation
oftasks may vary according to acting style or genre, but on a more general level the task
60

EMOTIONS ANO ACTING

situation is more or less the same for all professional actors impersonating characters
in a live performance. The actor's tasks include, among other things, creating a model
ofthe character in the imagination and giving expression to this model as convincingly
and believably as possible. On the one hand, aspects ofthe portrayal are put in a repeatable form and, on the other hand, the portrayal is given the illusion of spontaneously
generated emotion (3 .6) . The audience is seduced into interpreting the representations
as 'real emotions', especially in traditional stage acting and Hollywood films.
The remainder of this chapter wilI describe how the task situation gives rise to an
emotion process during a performance for a live audience, and further how these taskemotions can be functional to acting.

4.4

Task-Emotions and Task Concerns

Whether the elements of the functional cote of an emotion process are present, ill ust
be checked by finding which ofthe actor's concerns , if any, are put at stake by the task
situation. As Frijda says: If there is no concern , there is also no emotion (19 86: 334).
Concerns motivate emotional behavior. Frijda distinguishes source concerns from surface concerns. Source concerns refer to general concerns and motivations related to
desirable situations and goals (for example safety or competence), while surface concerns refer to specific interests which relate to specific goals, people, or objects (for example a sense ofsecurity with mother). Thus, in the case ofthe actor, source concerns
can become surface concerns in executing the acting tasks. The name task concerns is
given to the concerns which are involved in executing acting tasks. The task concerns
of the actor are probably related to the actor's desire to give a successful performance,
to preserve one's good reputation, or not to blunder.

4.4.1 Competence Acting has to do with the source concern 'competence', as a
first task concern . It is in the interest of the actor to exhibit his competence and talent
in his own way in the presentation. Competence regards the importance of acquiring
skills and techniques needed to relate with the environment as well as with one's own
desires and emotions. Feeling competent contributes to feeling good, to a sense of
well-being and refers at the same time
to the source concern 'self-esteem'.
My whole body tingles. Cold $Weat. Stomach cramps. Oiuy,
Competence also involves learning,
lighthnded.
I have tu hold un 10 something. After fifteen yea" In
self-development, growth, and the
tel vision Istill have the same symptoms - five minutes before tapgrowth ofautonomy. When the actor is
ing. At that moment you see Henny Huism;an as the stared baker who
proficient, the source concern of comhas 10 enler lhe ring... 'You un stilllc;ave' uys Frits [his coach, EK)
petence becomes concrete. This source
sometimes. 'Go ahud. I'U teU the audiellce th;at you are sick: 'IlO,
concern, incidentally, can be unraveled
1010',1 yell then. 'o(course not: At that moment he's causht me. This
into many surface concerns. In part
is my trade , my life. Iam one of the top three {hosts]: Alldr ,R.on,
and Henny. Alld if I lose my edge and the will 10 fight far Ihat rank , '
these are the task requirements of the
;am losl. After;a ye;ar no onc will remembtr Henny Hu isman. Then I
profession, such as an expressive caw01I '1 uil! anymore. To be noticed, sun - th;at has 011111 ys been
pacity to portray various characters and
parto(me.
be able to repeat the portrayal. In part
(Television host Henny Huisman in an interview with Pitltr Wt·
these are related to insights into the
beling, Or V~lIlS~rG"I. April 19, 1997)

emotions (and how they function) and the skills to transmit information and emotions
to an audience.
The difficulty and urgency of the task situation contribute to the potential threat to
the competency concern, as will be seen later in this chapter. This is primarily a matter
of the subjective feeling of proficiency and the belief in one's own competence, especially the beliefand self-confidence in one's own capability as an actor. For example, in
a study by the psychologist Suzanne Piet, the belief in one's own ability to cope with
risky situations was shown to be an important motivational fuctor for stunt men and
racing drivers. The importance of the source concern competence for the actor is underscored because the execution of complex tasks in front of an audience demands a
high degree of skills.4 The competence of the actor is tested in direct confrontation
with the audience; there is nowhere for an actor to hide an evident lack ofskills.

4.4.2 Self-Image Closely related to the concern of competence, is the importance
of self-image; The general need for approval and recognition, the care taken to make a
good impression or to avoid loss offace. The actor sees himselfconfronted with a cri ticat and expectant audience. It is important for the actor to meet their expectations and
to make a good impression on the audience. He is not only judged as a character, but
also as an actor, a professional, and a person. His reputation as an actor is at stake, as is
the preservation ofhis (social) self-esteem and self-respect. The sociologist, Goffman,
speaks of impression management and prrsmtation of self as the central motive behind the
behavior ofpeople in social situations, where they want to make a good impression on
others.
The social psychologist, Snyder, speaks ofself·monitorin.9 in this respect. Self-image
is an essential concern, which can be threatened in social situations resulting in intensely felt emotions like shame or embarrassment. When a good appearance has to be
made in full view ofothers, this specific concern is addressed: At the very least try not to
look like a fool. The risk to self-image is considerably greater in the acting situation
than in most daily social simationsi perhaps the risk is even greater during an unaccompanied soliloquy than when the actor is on stage with fellow performers.

4+3 Need for Sensation Capturing and holding the interest of an audience, to
captivate them in other words, is a minimum requirement for the actor. Studies show
that presenting oneself to spectators is one of the most stressful activities that can be
experienced. Subjects in an experiment indicated that they found speaking in public to
be the most stressful out of a selection of ten types ofactivity. The high level of stress
involved in a public presentation (like a theater performance) also appears in other experiments. Telling a subject that they will be observed from behind a one-way mirror
appeared to be enough to arouse a considerable amount of stress. According to the
emotion psychologist Martin, 'public speaking' is one ofthe most successful methods
ofarousing emotions in a research situation.
It has been established that a strong build-up of emotions in the actor is repeated
during every performance with an audience (see chapter 6). Lt therefore seems justified
to presume that the source concern of sensation-seeking is relevant to the task situa62

EMOTIONS AND ACTING

rion ofrhe actor (see also 4.6.]). Seeking sensation involves the need for tension and
excitement or the willingness to seek out activities which involve (physical or social)
risks. Zuckerman, a psychological researcher, considers the conscious search for tension and risky situations, and deriving pleasure from it, to be a stable character trait.
According to Zuckerman, sensation-seeking is even a genetic trait. Risky activities are
probably undertaken because you think you can handle them. s In short, the need fot
excitement or sensation seems to be a relevant source concern for professional actors,
because they regularly subject themselves to the stressful situation of a stage performance. Most ofthem choose to make it their profession.

4.4.4

Esthetic Concerns Finally, I suggest thatthe need 'to make something beauti-

ful' , to be creative and original, is an important motivation for the stage artist. A feeling
for style, color, and form touch on esthetic needs and concerns. Wang discusses the
idea that actors are highly motivated by esthetic concerns; 'Emotional development in
performing artists is motivated by the strong urge and affin ity for beauty' (Wang 1984).
The esthetic concerns or the need for beauty are mainly expressed in what is called esthetic emotions. Esthetic aspirations of the professional actor can be either greatly
satisfied or seriously squelched during performance. The artistic design of emotions,
myriad beautiful phrases, and flowing interactions satisfy the need for beauty in the
actor (and hopefully in the audience as well), bur the need is threatened when the director asks the actor to perform something he finds distasteful. Esthetic concerns will always have to do with features of the product itself, as artifact: The talent ofthe actors,
the colorful decor, the lucid mise-en-scene, the wonderful music, and the poetic texts.
The esthetic concerns do not have much to do with the characters as such (or at the
most only as an indirect derivative) . This is also true of the esthetic concerns of the
actor. For example, an actor may take pleasure in believing that he has acted the impotent rage of his character beautifully. In this case, the actor's craft is the object ofemotion derived from a beautiful portrayal ofanger, and not his possible sympathy with the
character. In this context one must distinguish esthetic emotions from empathetic
emotions. Empathetic emotions relate to one or another form of empathizing or sympathizing with the characters, but not to the 'beauty' ofthe art ofacting as such or to its
esthetic concerns. This is not to say that empathetic emotions are not relevant to the
actor. Empathetic emotions relate to the concerns of'proximity and coherence' or 'fam I1iarity and orientation', which probably belong to the more subordinate concerns in
this situation of live performance.6 Examples of the esthetic emotions are: Being
moved, being affected by something, excitement, poignancy, pride, satisfaction, pleasure, and admiration. This type of emotion , incidentally, also touches on competence
as a source concern, for example, the pleasure in being competent enough to act so artfully or convincingly.
All in all, the task situation of the professional actor is clearly a potentially emotional
situation, on theoretical grounds, because source concerns are at stake when the actor
takes the stage to 'show offhis art'. As described, the task situation offers the promise
ofsatisfaction or the risk ofdamaging at least four source concerns; Competence, self-

image, sensation-seeking, and esthetic concerns. Because relevant concerns are at
stake in the acting situation, emotions arise. Which emotions these will be depend on
the specific features ofthe situation or event (4.2). The presence of certain features or
components in the situation is a second condition for the arousal ofan emotion.

4.5

Components in the Task Situation

The meaning an actor gives to the situation in which he portrays a character for an audience is composed of a number of specific features , which Frijda calls components.
These are divided, by Frijda, into core components and context components. This section addresses firstly the question of whether the situation holds core components,
secondly what the context components are.
Corecomponents are part ofthe relevance evaluation and are jointly responsible for the
presence or absence of an emotion. 'Core components are those that make (or do not
make) the situation an emotional one. They pertain to emotional relevance and constitute emotional experience per se. ' (Frijda I986: 204). Without core components it is
impossible for an emotion to arise ; they affect the concerns ofthe person. During the
relevance evaluation the relevant features ofthe situation meet the relevant concerns. It
is clear from the previous section that the actor's concerns with respect to the actual,
real context ofa live performance, are quite definitely at stake. Desired goals can be realized or threatened. Informing, captivating, and arousing the audience is the actor's
task. This is difficult and the situation is urgent. The most important core components
in the situation during acting are therefore, in Frijda's terms: Objectivity, reality, ualence.
demand character, dlificulty, and urgency.? These will be explained below.

core Compon nu:
Core components determine whether the essence ofa situation is potentially favorable or damaging
to an individual's concerns. Of the many different futures contained in a situation, only a few have
significance for one or more concerns. Only when a situation contains some of this type of signifi·
cant features, can one say that the situation has core components. Or rather, if a situation has no
core components (or a person, then the situation does not affect the person's concerns. 'Screening'
a situation for possible core components happens during the relevance evaluation (figu re 4.1).
For the actorin the acting situation there are six important core components: Objectivity, rtality, valence, demand character, difficulty and urgency.

Con ext Components:
Context components are features ofa situation which determine what sort ofemotion will arise.
Complementary to the core components, the context components help to judge whether it is possi·
ble to act in the given context and how difficult that will be. This action will be directed toward
satisfying concerns. 'Screening' a situation for possible contnt components happens during the
context-evaluation.
In the task situation ofthe actor on stage there are two important contut components: (Un)controllability and (un)familiarity.

[MOTIONS AN D ACTING

Context (omponents are linked with the context evaluation (figure 4. I) and relate to the
type ofemotion. They are mainly dependent upon the person's abilities to cope or not
to cope with the situation. 8 Thus, the coincidence ofcertain context components in the
situation determines which emotion will come into play. The fact that an audience is
waiting to be entertained is, for example, an essential feature of the actor's task situation. For the actor, the context evaluation is an appraisal ofhis command ofthe task requi rements, of his clarity of understandi ng and of the risk of failure, of his expectations about the audience and his preparedness for reactions from the audience and
co-actors. Of the context components named by Frijda, contrallability and stra ngenessfamiliarity are the two most important ooes in the actor's task situation. Thus, together
with the six core corn ponents, there are a total ofeight cornponents whi ch are the most
characteristic of the acting situation and which define the situational meaning structure to the actor.

4.5. 1 Objectivity and Reality The objectivity of the situation in which the actor is
face to face with the audience, and with eventual co-actors, is immense. Objectivity is
the feeling that the situation is imposing itself on you, inevitably addressing specific
concerns; 'The sense of being overcome by the event as well as by one's own response... ' (Frijda 1986: 205). Objectivity gives the situation the feeling of being immediate, here and now, overwhelming and certain. In other words, a real emotion stems
from a situation which seems inevitable, something which you can not escape from. In
the relevance evaluation, the core component of objectivity can be seen as indispensable for the presence ofa real emotion. Objectivity is closely tied to the beliefthat concerns are actually being affected as well as to the reality level ofthe situation.
Reality level is also an indispensable core component for the presence ofemotion; 'A
situation may in principle be relevant, but be only play, or a fantasy, or an abstraction;
... Emotional involvement varies correspondingly'(Frijda 1986; 206). For the arousal of
a 'real' emotion, the situation must be judged as 'real', having a high reality level, and
the concerns must actually be addressed (compare with section 5.5). The reality level
for the actor performing for an audience will be very high. Coughing, laughing, or
tense silence, for exampie, will pers istently remind the actor that all eyes a re upon him;
a scene change will remind him as well ofthe reality of the task situation in the performance.
4.5.2
Difficulty and Urgency The demands placed on the actor are high as far as
the task itself is concerned (3.6). In addition it is a di fficult situation for the actor in
terms of satisfYing his concerns. Executing a complex task, like acting emotions in a
dramatic performance, with one or more persons observing, generally leads to stress
or tension and often impairs task performance (4+3; 4.6). Within the limited time
spa n of the performance the actor must exhibit all the detailed nuances of his skills,
while 'they're all out there checking him out'. He cannot relax for a single moment,
which is a common feature of most other work situations. In addition, the audience
wants to see a performance now. The actor's task situation, in other words, has a high
level ofurgency_ It is imperative to act immediately; later will be too late. 'Difficulty and
65

urgency are the situational meaning components corresponding to emotional upset, to
emotion in the excited sense ofthe word' (Frijda I986: 206). The difficult!j and urgency of
the task situation demand a high degree of command or control over the task requirements and the task situation.
4.5.3
Controllability and Valence Controllability relates to the actor's capacity to
undertake the demands of the situation . Precisely because the actor functions simultaneously on different levels of enactment and must represent a recognizable and beHevable character to the audience, a great degree of control is demanded. Even if the
characters are out of control, and even if the actor Jets himself be completely swept
away by the emotions portrayed in the performance ofthe character, even then, the professional actor will nonetheless have to control his acting to let the performance proceed as planned. 'As an actor, you the artist have to perform on the most difficult instrument to master, that is, your own self-your physical being and your emotional being.
That, I believe, is where all the confusion ofthe different schools ofacting stems from'
(Brynner in Chekhov 1953: x) . Moreover the behavior of the actor on stage, as character, must also match certain esthetic or artistic standards, which are to some extent
dependent on current conventions. Likewise, controlling and directing the audience's
attention is part of the actor's task as a professional. By maximizing command of the
required stage action, the actor will be capable ofcontrolling unexpected events.
In acting, control coupled with the expectation that source concerns will be satisfied, alongside the opportunity for acclaim and success, make the component valenceFrijda's term for emotional value - positive, at least for the professional actor who is secure in his profession. At the same time, the risk offailure must not be underestimated.
The concerns at stake can be seriously jeopardized or greatly advanced. In this respect
the task situation is extreme - failure is serious failure and source concerns are consequently seriously damaged. The actor could lose face because his reputation is at stake
when he undergoes critical judgment. One the other hand, a moment of success is almost immediately rewarded, sometimes with an unanticipated curtain call (we are
speaking here of professional actors in leading roles.)
Characteristic ofthe acting situation is that in the case ofeither success or failure the
respective experience is felt to the hilt; a bit of success or a bit of fa i1ure is almost an
impossibility. The reason being that 'all those people are out there watching you'. It is
characteristic of the acting situation, and for similar risky task situations -live musicians, athletes, and stunt men - that a subjective belief in one's chances ofsuccess reduces the threat offailure. A proficient actor develops the necessary skills and believes
he truly can act. When the actor knows how to transform the risk offailure into success , the situation assumes a positive valence.
4.5.4
Familiarity and Demand Character Stran,geness-familiaTity is a twofold component in the actor's task situation, as is the aforementioned component of valence.
The professional actor is familiar with the play, with what he must do, with co-actors
and so forth. Depending on his level ofexperience he is more or less familiar with confronting an audience. At the same time, there is always a great element ofunfamiliarity
66

EMOTIONS AND ACTING

with respect to this specific audience, this stage, the course ofthis particular show and
the levels of alertness of oneself, co-actors, technicians, etc. The actor wil! always face
the struggle with the unpredictability of the surroundings, the audience who changes
nightly, and with his own unpredictability - will he be able to react adequately to the
situation? This unfamiliarity or unpredictability will prompt a screening of the situation and probably prompt selective attention for all that appears unfamiliar. Ability to
cope with the situation will have to be incorporated into the acting, for example when
another actor does not appear on the requisite cue. Strangeness stimulates cognitive
activity, while familiarity is an important component for feelings ofsecurity and recognition.
The demand for attention through addressing concerns or otherwise due to the importance ofan event, person, or situation, is called demand rharacter by Frijda.9 This is the
component corresponding to interest, wonder or curiosity, but also to concentration
and challenge. The task situation ofthe actor is interesting and demands attention because, for one thing, the unfamiliar elements in the situation increase that risk of failure. Estimating possible risks on the basis ofunfamiliar aspects in the situation will not
be too difficult for professionals. An all too familiar situation, however, can become
boring and thereby clash with the need for sensation. Thus the unfamiliar aspects ofthe
situation can become a source ofinspiration, providing they can be controlled with professional expertise. The unfamiliarity will then transform the situation into a challenge.
In sum, the situational meaning structure ofthe task situation for the actor portraying
a character on stage before an audience, contains eighr relevant components. As Frijda
states, the combination ofthese core and context components determines what sort of
emotion comes into play. The coincidence of risk and control with a positive valence
denotes the meaning structure of challenge, which will be elaborated in the next section.

4.6

APrecarious Balance

The emotion challenge is linked with positive or pleasant feelings like fun (in playing),
courage, spunk or nerve, being primed for the task, pleasant excitement, concentration, eagerness, and feeling strong and confident. When control fails, as for example
when the rehearsal period has not been successful, the valence will become negative
and the situation will be judged as threatening. Threat is linked to emotions such as
fear, insecurity, or shame. The action situation calls on the actor's skills to tackle the situation. Especially during preparations, the actor will practice controlling the skills and
demands necessitated by his role. The right balance between the risky aspects of the
situation and the skills to control them can result in a positive feeling. A threatening,
negative emotion is thereby rendered positive. Comrollability is the component which
gives danger the appearance ofchallenge rather than threat; it turns a negative emotion
into a positive one. JO Challenge seems to come to the fore as the most prominent task
emotion, provided the rehearsal period has been successful. 11
In the last section, arguments were presented to show that positive emotional value,
or positive valence, is dependent on being able to cope with the (im)possibilities ofthe

6,

situation. An essentially risky or threatening situation can only take on a positive character jfthe individual can manage or control the situation. The risky, possibly threatening situation ofgiving a public presentation , like acting, can be transformed into a positive situation ofchallenge by maximizing the feeling ofcontrol or command. This can
mainly be achieved through training in specific skills which are necessary to meet the
demands ofthe situation . Also, aspects ofthe situation can be more or less emphasized
to a greater or lesser degree or brought into focus in such a way that the situation, within the given circumstances, will appear as favorable as possible. Conversely, when a
specific sirnation takes on a negative meaning, it will be seen as threatening. Studies
show that the potential judgment of a situation as being challenging also depends on
certain personality traits. Moreover, challenge is linked to attaining higher achievements.
4.6.1
Personality, Accomplishment, and Challenge Judging a situation as challenging - as noted in a study with pilots - is related to positive thinking and to good
performance. On the other hand, judging a situation as threatening is associated with
negative thinking and poor performanceP According to Larsson and Hayward, good
performance in pilots is synonymous with seeing the situation as being a challenge and
with functional self-control, while poor performance is associated with threat and with
judging the situation as irrelevant. Irion and Blanchard~Fie!ds also found that goaloriented strategies were more often used in challenging situations, while strategies for
alleviating discomfort are more often applied in threatening situations.
The positive relationships discovered between challenge and good performance, as
well as between threat and poor performance, support the presumed relevance of the
need for competence in the acting situation discussed in section 4-4- Pleasure in handling potentially risky situations, characteristic to challenge, is mainly found in individuals who have a strong tendency toward sensation-seeking. I ; Moreover, the 'sensation
seeker' seems to have similarities with the strong personality. A person with a strong
personality has a strong commitment to what he does, a great sense of self-control,
and the ability to regard unexpected changes or possible threats in life as positive challenges. 14 Presumably, having self-confidence, or a beliefin one's own capacities as an
actor, also contributes to viewing acting as a challenge.
A challenging situation is a precarious situation in which a delicate balance must be
maintained between the amount of risk and the amount of control one has over required skills. For creative professionals, guarding this delicate balance is part ofa day's
work. IS The ability to alternate between risk and challenge and the belief in being able
to handle both offers the possibility ofcreating the experience of'flow'.
4.6.2 The Right Balance: 'Flow' The right balance between risk and control results in the sensation as iftasks are being performed by themselves in one fluid movement. A balanced relationship between challenging, exciting or risky elements in a
situation and the necessary skills to encounter them, will result in the sensation of
optimal experience or 'flow', according to research psychologist Mihalyi Csikszent·
mihalyi. Flow is an experience often reported by artists, top athletes, and members of
68

EMOTIONS AND ACTING

creative professions where a high level ofperformance is expected. 16 A high degree of
control over the task requirements also affords one the freedom to launch into momentary, unexpected turns in the situation while performing the task. This is a conclusion which seems to concur with statements made mainly by Grotowski and
Brook, to the effect that command of technical skills and discipline are necessary for
creativity and inspiration.
Too much experience or practice may however jeopardize the sensation of flow in
an optimally challenging situation by endangering the balance. The combination of
great competence and great familiarity with a situation can result in an actor 'going
through the motions'. The acting can become so routine that the character portrayal
may become cold and mechanical. This problem is a primary fear ofthe advocates of
the style ofinvolvement. The optimal balance can also be threatened by becoming too
accustomed to satisfaction or success. To maintain an optimal level ofchallenge, ever
more complex situations will be sought out, or other aspects of the situation will be
highlighted to create new challenges to skills and to extend existing boundaries.'? To
maintain the optimal balance in performance, a proficient actor may seek out new
challenges in variations in audiences, in theater venues, or in the moods of himself
and colleagues. He might change nuances in his acting, or play different roles.
When an actor overestimates his skills, overconfidence can result in too much daring or 'spunk'; one might call the actor a daredevil or show-off. Such 'hubris' can also
lead an actor to underestimate actual risks or hazards. Overestimating one's own capacity can initially lead to pleasurable or possibly euphoric feelings, such as excitement,
eagerness, concentration, flow, strength, and confidence. When control of the necessary skills falls short, the balance will shift to the negative because risks are in fact
greater than anticipated, or because unanticipated obstacles or hurdles arise. The situation then becomes threatening and results in
unpleasant feelings such as fear, anxiety, or
It's Just like driving a car. You can take a nice ride or
shame, which could possibly negate the desire
~ b~d trip. 'Iou take a bad trip if other actors don't go
to take action.
alons with you or if you min the accelerator by accident,
In short, the realization that once the right
and when you can't use the mechanical futures of the car
balance is achieved, it must be carefully guarded
correctly. If you drive well and nothing happens along the
because it could be lost at any moment, guaranway and you drive by prellytrees and nooneelseon lhe
tees maximum commitment to the situation and
road bothers you, then il can feel like ~ rully nice ride.
(AClor Porgy Franssen in the documentary AmuIs
to accomplishing the task. The precarious nasprlen
rmotiu. HPS 1995)
ture of the situation demands the actor's full attention and results in an optimal level of concentration (compare the component demand
character). With an optimal level ofchallenge, a
There is a sort ofhyper.rea'ity [on slage] whicll
level the individual can just manage and which
makes you forget everything. You put yourself on another
leads to the sensation of flow, concentration is
plane ofconsciousness. Once Iwas playing a scene and
'automatically' sharpened. One could also argue
stepped on ~n enormous nail. Ijust kept playing with terthat challenge results in concentration, because
rible pain. But when I walked offstage, Iimmediately
of the risky or threatening elements in the chalfainted .
(Actress Linda van Ojj~ in PSljc!lDlogir, Octobu 19961
lenging situation. To get an idea ofwhat flow is,
69

we can recall some of the seemingly effortless peak performances delivered by top athletes. Ifthese performances are translated to the art ofthe actor, will a link be found with
the actor's radiance, power ofpersuasion, or presence? Perhaps we can think offlow as
a bundling ofthe most positive task-emotions. It seems to me that the apparent ease in
the execution of acting tasks along with the positive emotions ensuing from performance are conditions for achieving presence. By playing with the balance along the narrow path ofthe flow experience, the actor can also play on the audience's attention.
4.6.3 Acting and Manipulating While Tan (I996: 93) speaks ofthe 'Challenge that
Everyone can Meet' , in reference to the viewer of a traditional film, it became clear in
section 4.4.3 above that not everyone can handle the situation of being an actor on
stage. When we, observers, watch someone doing something we know is difficult and
perhaps risky, and then perceive that he cannot quite handle the situation or has lost
his nerve, we are immediately 'gripped'. We watch anxiously for the outcome of the
task to be accomplished - 'will he make it or not?' The involvement and interest ofthe
spectator in such a case is as optimal as the measure ofchallenge and concentration in
the actor. The audience challenges the actor with 'show me that you are Hamlet', while
the actor challenges the audience with 'who says I'm not Hamlet'. Success will depend
in part on the model that the audience has formed of'his' Hamlet and on the conviction
with which the actor plays his Hamlet.
For the actor, this condition has at least two implications. One, that the actor's task
situation in itself has elements which engage the audience's attention; they speculate
(for example) how this particular actor will produce the difficult scene of Hamlet's
'to be or not to be'. Along with the persuasiveness of his acting, certain choices in direction, as well as all sorts ofscenic and technical tools can also aid the actor. When audience emotions are aroused in this manner, they are esthetic emotions or artifact emotions. T8 Two, the actor or director can exploit this fact and increase the involvement of
the audience by enlarging the risks or hazards of the situation, either artificially or
directly. The actor can, for example, create an initial impression that he possibly lacks
the skills to meet the challenge ofthe role. Then, by gradually 'letting loose', he 'ropes
in' the audience. Imagine an actor, at first seemingly nervous, bur ultimately delivering
his role passionately - our admiration for him becomes even greater. These are, of
course, speculative assertions, deserving further research.
All in all, it is assumed that a good acting performance, or a positive appraisal ofthe
quality ofacting, requires that an actor judge the task situation a challenge rather than
a threat. When the actor feels challenged by the situation ofa live performance, which
appeals to his relevant concerns, the situation will insist on changes in action readiness. IQ A change in action readiness is a defining feature ofan emotion and creates the
impulse to do something or avoid doing something: The action tendency.

4.7

Impulses and Control Precedence

An 'emotion ' is, according to Frijda, not truly an emotion without a change in action
readiness: A tendency, an urge or an impulse to act or to refrain from acting. An emotion is not only characterized by its specific situational meaning structure, but also by a
7°

EMOTIONS ANO ACTING

specific action tendency. 20 An action tendency is directed toward changing the individual's relationship with others or with the surroundings, in order to obtain a specific
satisfaction. A situation with features related to the emotion 'challenge' will demand a
confrontation with a possible threat. When one thinks that the situation can be dealt
with (by judging one's own skills positively) and victory seems possible, the challenge
will evoke the impulse to approach. 21 Comparable action tendencies with challenge
are:The urge or impulse to 'overcome difficulties', 'go for it', and the urge to 'do something, sing, jump, or dance'. Ifcontrarily a situation is judged to be threatening, it then
evokes the action tendency of avoidance, like the impulse 'to flee', the impulse 'to
avoid' the threat, or 'to sink into the ground'. In general, task emotions will be paired
with action tendencies directed toward the desire to give expression to the character,
and to convince the audience ofthe authenticity ofthe portrayal.
Once aroused, an emotion brings forth an action tendency which dominates the
control of the execution and actions. In other words, one can not put up resistance to
the impulse to 'attack' or to 'flee'. Frijda calls this the claim for control precedence by emotions: The feelings, thoughts, impulses, actions, or activation going along with the
aroused emotion take precedence over other planned or half executed thoughts, feelings, impulses, etc. The degree ofdominance and inevitability is also dependent on the
influence ofregulation processes, which will be discussed in section 4.9. Without control precedence there is no emotion, then one can only speak of a feeling. Control
precedence can manifest itselfby sudden interruption ofbehavior, changes in behavior
or by persistence ofbehavior. 22
At the moment the performance begins, one would expect that the control precedence ofchallenge will take the form ofbehavior changes, from non-challenge to challenge, and then to persistence. Just before it begins, the actor may be apprehensive
about the performance, he is nervous or listless or reluctant. As soon as the performance starts, however, he will let himself be driven by performing the show, even possibly experiencing 'flow'. He will not allow any distractions and will desire to complete
the (sequence of) performance in an unbroken succession of actions. This concurs
with the 'law of enclosure' of emotions, in which Frijda postulates that once an emotion is aroused its development is more or less irresistible, 23 The control precedence of
challenge then provokes persistence in the behavior; this continues until success is
achieved, or in less favorable cases, until failure must be accepted. Normally this continues until the curtain falls at the end ofthe performance.
The feature ofcontrol precedence makes challenge a 'real' emotion. It leads to focusing all attention on winning over the audience, on captivating them, on being a master
of the tension, on displaying and expanding skills, etc. Challenge brings a highly intense concentration with it, in concurrence with the component 'demand character'.
Concentration with control precedence is also a true emotion and possesses the feature
of 'taking Over' behavior. When an actor is concentrating intensely, he will refuse to let
himself be distracted by rustling noises in the audience; more likely he will not even
notice them. Instead, all of his attention, action, and impulses are directed toward accomplishing the task of playing the role with as much cOllviction as possible. When
concentration develops as an emotion, the 'feeling' of concentration gains the upper
7'

hand over the other emotions and thoughts,
Ialways tell: The actor Pierrre Bokma is not of inter·
which had previously come into play. The actor
est to me, neither dOf5 Richard Ill. Blit, the actor Pierre
Bokma putting Richard III on stage - thaI's interesting,
himself feels fulfilled with challenge and conthat is what interests me. That makes me thinking. Actu·
centration; a feeling which was described above
ally 80kma says to me: 'You think I'm Pierre Bokma,
as the optimal sensation of'flow'.
don 't you? That's not true, I'm Richard Ill. But if you
Control precedence is strengthened by the
think I'm Richard Ill, you ' re wrong -I'm Pierre 80kma.'
intensity of the emotion, wh ich is dictated by
And that's what I find 0 fascinating oftheater, ofstage
the evaluation of the components 'difficulty'
acting. And Ithink thus,thatth students should learn
and 'urgency'. As seen in section 4.5, the diffithit, that they should deYelop themselyes to enjoy th t
culty of the task situation plus urgency conkind of game.
(Teacher at the Theater Academy in Mautricht, the
tributes to the intensity of task emotions. The
Netherlands,
1997)
more intense the aroused emotions are, the
stronger the control precedence will be and the
more difficult the action tendency (the urge to
take action) will be to suppress, after Frijda. The control precedence of challenge will
exert unbearable pressure to execute the action tendency, in other words activation and
behavior corresponding with this emotion. This can cause problems for the actor in
portraying his character: As audience members we come primarily to see characters
like Hamlet and Medea. Only secondarily are we there to see 'how he does it' (3 .8).
Even ifit is the other way around , it is doubtful that we are there to see the expression of
the task-emotions ofthe actor themselves. I presume that spectators in general want to
see the portrayal ofcharacter-emotions and not what task-emotions look like. They are
often even prepared to believe that these character-emotions are a direct reflection of
the emotions the actor himselfhas. I will now try to make a reasonable case for the idea
that the expression of task-emotions is, or at least could be, directed at the expression
ofcharacter-emotions .

4.8

Expressions ofTask-Emotions

An action tendency insists on expressing an emotion through the following channels:
Behavioral expression, physiological changes, and subjective perception (4.2). These
three channels for emotions as they apply to the actor's task-emotions will be discussed.
4,8,1
Behavioral Expression In the behavioral expression of emotions, the actor
and the character are one and the same. The actor's behavior on stage in the form of
character-appropriate behavior is what the audience sees. The actor's repertoire ofpossible actions is bound by the repertoire ofpossible actions which the playwright and director or theater maker have proscribed in agreements made during rehearsal. 24 The
task-emotions and accompanying action tendencies of the actOr must therefore be
shaped so that their expression will create the illusion, for the audience, that the behavior observed is an expression of the character's action tendencies and emotions (at
least in traditional character acting). Then, action tendencies and task-emotions reveal
themselves in the display ofbehavior that fits the intended emotions of the characters ,
and agrees with the inner model thereof. Behavioral expression as an output of the
emotion process concerns visual behavior, like posture, movement, and facial expres-

EMOTIONS AND ACTING

sion, as well as phonetic features, like words, sound, and pitch. They are all the visible
and aud i ble manifestations by which the audience derives conclusions about the character's state of mind. The audience will also try to deduce this from, for example, the
content ofthe text, the set, the lights, and the context ofthe dramatic situation in which
the action takes place (5.6).
Task-emotions have no clearly recognizable manifestations, in the way that, for example, anger does; we recognize anger by 'the way it looks'. Experiments by Paul
Ekman, for one, show that a number of basic emotions can be recognized universally
(5.6).25 The observable phenomena oftask-emotions, such as challenge, are more like
signals which indicate persisting in a certain behavior, directing attention exclusively
to a certain task, being alert, driven, and goal-oriented. The perceivable expression of
challenge is in the first instance, task oriented behavior. One of the main tasks of the
actor is precisely to display behavior that fits with the portrayal ofthe character (and his
emotions). In this sense, the behavioral expression of task-emotions of the actor in
performance is the same as the behavioral expression ofthe character (-emotions).
It is the non-specific expression of challenge that makes it possible for it to take on
the countenance of other types of emotions, in other words, clothing challenge in another form. The expression oftask emotions in general, and of challenge and concentration in particular, is in principle mainly observable in the alertness ofthe individual,
as a state ofoptimal action readiness. This optimal state ofalertness provides a sort of
basic tension which is useful for portraying all sorts of intense character-emotions. It
might be said that the emotions ofthe character to be portrayed have already been given
an 'undercoat primer', and need 'only' the finishing touch of the emotion-specific
calor. I suspect that this optimal state ofalertness, which accompanies a state of'flow',
lends the illusion ofspontaneity to the portrayal ofcharacter-emotions and at the same
time denotes what is known as 'presence'. The next chapter will explain that there are
more reasons to suspect this process. especially in the discussion of believability and
effects ofimitating emotional expression in sections 5.6 and 5.7 respectively.
When the possible expression ofthe task-emotions themselves is not in accordance
with the character-emotions to be portrayed, the actor will mask them and where possible transform them, this being necessary to achieve a believable and convincing portrayal ofcharacter-emotions. In general. audiences will respond negatively to an acting
performance in which they think they have seen the actor's task-emotions, especially
overt nervousness. A possible exception occurs when an actor inadvertently gets the
giggles or 'cracks up', but here tOO, the (traditional) dramatic action is disturbed. The
actor will therefore shape the output of the emotion process, in the task situation, in
such a way that the observable phenomena of his task-emotions look like characteremotions (4.9). For the sake ofcompleteness, the physiological phenomena, which accompany task-emotions, and subjective perception as output of the emotion process
during acting will be discussed first.
4.8.2
Physiological Phenomena Research on the physiological aspects of challenge
has scarcely been conducted, but there is some connection with research in the general
category of 'stress'. Researchers like Lazarus, Dienstbier, and others point out that the
73

generally negative connotations related to 'stress' are not applicable to challenge;
instead challenge leads to positive stress. It has been discovered that mental exertion,
as a form of stress , leads to physiological activation. The general conclusion of such
research is that stress situations lead to high levels of physiological activation, like 'au tonomous arousal' , accelerated heartbeat, changes in breathing, hormonal secretion,
sweating, and blushing. I draw the analogous conclusion that challenge is likewise
accompanied by high levels ofphysiological activation. It must be noted that the physiological research conducted to date is not specific enough to determine whether the
reported physiological activation is linked with the threatening or with the challenging
aspects ofthe situation. However, Dienstbier does conclude that challenge is linked to
positive physiological activation and with a positive effect on performance (4.6).
Some empirical tests with (professional) actOrs show that the physiological changes
are more likely related to the actor's work than with the portrayed character-emotions.
Villiers concluded this as early as I942, for example, on the basis of measuring pulse
rate and blood pressure in actOrs. He tested professional actors in Paris at various
moments when they were back stage. Recent psychophysiological studies on actors,
with more modern instruments and a more systematic approach show comparable
results. Weisweiler and myself, separately, have found strongly increased levels of
physiological activation ('arousal') in actors during performance as compared with
(dress) rehearsals.

fi ure 4.2: Heartbeat of an actress
Below is a graphic repreSfntation of the heartbutofan actress. The lighter, upper portion indicates
the rate o(the heartbeat during a so-called run th rough (a final rehearsal during which the entire piece
is rehearsed) . The darker shaded area shows the heartbeat during a perform..nce. During a monologue
the heartbeat reaches ill rate of 180 beats per minute (this is the lowest point in the figure).
A: Direc10r announce~
thesurt of the
rehear5aJ I~rformance

B, Performance ~gins

e: Monologue

inttrwal
betwffn

800 . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,

h artbnts

inmilli·

5<'condl

0 : End of reheanal - I

E: End of performance - I

A B
10.5 mrnu [

bplanatian: Asmillller interval in milliseconds indicates a faster heartbeat and vice versa.

EMOTIONS AND ACTING

There is no reason to assume that the cause of heightened activation must lie in the
character related emotions. The findings point toward task-emotions as being the
cause: The highs and lows measured in activation levels correspond to being on or off
stage, respectively to whether the actor is on the stage or in the wings. Further, the
highest peaks were found during monologues, even though the most intense charac~
ter-emotions were not necessarily being portrayed then. Neither was there more physical exertion during monologues than during other comparable moments of the performance. 26 I ascertained moreover that the appraisal of the quality of the individual
performances was more favorable during performances with high tension levels than
during rehearsals with low tension levels. This corroborates the findings of earlier
studies on challenge.
4.8.3 The Subjective Perception In general, Frijda proposes that subjective emo~
tional perception is the experience ofhaving one's concerns addressed by an event or a
situation, and ofthe impulse to react to this. As stated above, challenge will in general
be accompanied by positively shaded or pleasant feelings and of feeling tensed. The
subjective perception of the 'feeling' of the task-emotion challenge will probably be
termed by the actor as tension, enthusiasm, excitement, concentration, courage, nerve,
and perhaps the experience of' flow' . When the person involved does not have enough
control over the situation, he will then judge it negatively and experience the action tendency 'to avoid' . The accompanying perception will be termed by the person concerned
as threatening, fearful, uncertain, ashamed, guilty, or listless.
It is clearly unlikely that a professional and proficient actor would wi sh, or in fact be
able, to choose avoidance. Because ofthe negative connotations associated with terms
like stage fright and because ofsome empirical results concerning'public speaking'2 7 ,
I have nevertheless chosen to also include negative designations for emotions in the
questionnaire (6.6). I believe that a professional actor will be able to transform the
more negative emotions - as well as positive ones - to support the portrayal ofthe char~
acter, providing that control precedence and the intensity of the emotion do not become 'uncontrollable'. In addition , I presume - given the aspects that factor into the
output ofthe emotion process (during acting in a performance) - that the professional
actor consciously applies and uses task-emotions to give the character portrayal the
'warmth and persuasiveness' it needs.
As a result of their study of actors, Jackson and Latane state the following: 'It is
widely believed among professionals that there is a mysterious process by which a
skilled performer can transmute the nervous tension ofstage fright into stage presence
and project this energy back to the audience in the form ofvivacity, depth, or intensity'
(Ig81: 84).

4.9

Regulation by Design

Regulation of general human emotions in daily life, in Frijda's theory, mainly involves
suppressing or masking emotions, which are felt to be negative, unsuitable or disturbing. This pattern happens more or less subconsciously. Conversely, transforming or
shaping emotions in the acting process engages a more conscious and, if possible, a
75

more intense use of aspects of task-emotions in order to support the portrayal of the
character. This process is positive; it turns possibly disturbing or unpleasant aspects of
task-emotions into useful and therefore pleasant aspects. The transformation, design
or shaping ofactivation , action tendencies and {behavioralJ expression linked to taskemotions can be compared with the 'regulation' of general human emotions. According to Frijda the 'regulation ofemotion is not always voluntary; it mostly is not' (1986:
402). Something we are not always aware ofin daily life seems to be very important for
the actor.
The task situation ofthe actor is a special one when it comes to studying regulation;
a specific form of regulation probably plays an explicit part and even a necessary part in
being able to accomplish tasks successfully. With emotions in daily life, regulation is
much more implicitly woven into the emotion process. In order to make a distinction
between the process found in acting and the general process ofemotion regulation, the
terms 'transformation' or 'shaping ofemotions' will be used. The process oftransformation or shaping which influences the emotion process during acting does show
some similarities with the way regulation functions. Therefore the features of regulation will be discussed which I believe to be applicable to transformation in the emotion
process during acting.
4.9.1
Shaping Expressions of Task-Emotions The output ofthe emotion process
during acting undergoes 'transformation', whereas the expression of emotion in the
process ofgeneral human emotions undergoes 'regulation', in the terminology ofthis
study. Regulation ofthe expression ofemotions is usually more successful than regulation in an earlier stage of the emotion process. A good example of social regulation is
being a good loser: 'In our culture, we are expected to act like a good loser, meaning
that we do not appear too distressed nor blame anyone, but express positive regard for
the winner and equanimity at the loss' (Lazarus 1985: 52). This indicates the possibility
of in fluencing behavioral expression by masking or transforming it. Similarly, regulation, in the sense of transforming or designing expressions of behaVI or is vital for the
actor because he communicates with the audience using this behavioral expression.
The parts ofthe emotions which eventually become visible are these behavioral expressions. It is mainly through this behavioral aspect of emotion that character-emotions
can be represented.
Regulation, in the sense of design, can moreover be one of the ways in which the
actor can take pleasure in acting 'negative emotions'. A successful portrayal ofMedea's
revenge and sorrow can in this way give the actress intense satisfaction, because, for one
thing, she is succeeding in accomplishing her task. She can also partake in esthetic
pleasures, the enjoyment of beautiful acting or the experience of ,flow' . She can experience these feelings, while simultaneously giving expression to the behavior which sUits
the negative and unpleasant character-emotions.
4.9.2 Shaping Physiological Phenomena The intensity of the task-emotions, in
any case, causes physiological activation. The high level of arousal observed in actors
during performance, which has been interpreted as indicating a high level of task ten-

EMOTIONS AND ACTI NG

sion, does not need to be transformed in itself. Transformation, in the form ofamplification, can be desirable when the level of task tension is too Iow. le is precisely the
physiological activation that can, I presume, lend support to the portrayal ofa character. The audience member will pick up signals that there is a high level of alertness,
activation, readiness, and emotionality. He will then be disposed to interpret these signals as expressions of character-emotions, because he has no reason not to do so. In
the eyes of the audience, the character will be given more 'liveliness and warmth'. It is
difficult to say precisely how we, as audience members, observe physiological phenomena and what part ofthese we observe. An example is perhaps the blush oftension
in an actor, which the audience may interpret as the character being in love. But, how
character-emotions should look like to appear real to an audience will be discussed in
the following chapter.
The physiological phenomena of what I call task-emotions can be used in the portrayal of character-emotions. Different aspects of the task-emotions can contribute to
making characters convincing; the illusion ofspontaneity increases and contributes to
the actor's presence. The visible (and perceptible) part ofthe physiological phenomena
can be compared with the aforementioned alertness and goal-orientation in the behavioral expression. In this respect, I spoke earlier of an observable state of alertness as
a possible explanation for attributing presence to an actor (3.6-4). This is probably
comparable to what Barba and Savarese mean when they speak of energy and tension
as sources ofpresence, and what Stanislavsky refers to as the shining or radiance ofan
actor. In other words, I presume that the radiance of task-emotions supports the persuasiveness of the actor. Both processes of interpretation are probably involved. Research into the effects of physiological phenomena, which are seen as a 'talisman' for
the presence of'real' emotions will be discussed in section 5.6.
4.10

Summary

By applying a cognitive emotion theory to the practice oftheater, I have, in this chapter,
made a plausible case for the idea that the performer has strategies at hand to direct his
emotions as an actor (on the enactment level ofa craftsman). He can also use his taskemotions, transform and exploit them to support and design the portrayal ofa character. The actor's work seems then, in part, to consist ofmaximizing the task-emotions
and shaping these into behaviorwhich can be construed as the expression ofemotions
in the character. This is done in such a way that the form in which these task-emotions
are expressed becomes identical to the poruayal ofcharacter-emotions. To describe the
emotion process during acting a theoretical psychological framework after Frijda's
model of the emotion process was provided. Frijda proposes that emotions have a
function in satisfYing an individual's concerns, and to maintain or change relationships with his surroundings. Relational action tendencies are then, according to him,
the core ofthe emotion process.
The actor's emotions on stage fulfill the functionality criterion of the cognitive approach when the emotions stem from the nature ofthe acting task. The task situation
offers the professional actor the possibility to satisfy primary concerns, like being competent, preserving self-image, seeking sensation, and esthetic satisfaction. Relevance77

evaluation for the acrar is characterized by the coincidence of risk with control, evoking challenge as a central emotion , which is in turn linked with pleasant or positive
feelings. Under optimal conditions challenge leads to the experience of'flow' . Because
the task is difficult and has a high level of urgency, and because the assessment ofthe
task situation results in maximum strengths ofthe cornponents of 0 bjectivity and reality, these result in action tendencies with control precedence.
Challenge will generally evoke impulses or action tendencies 'to approach' or 'to
overcome difficulties' , because one thinks they can indeed be overcome. I presume that
the actor shapes the emotional phenomena, which are related to the task-emotions in
the acting situation, for the benefit of the portrayal of the character. In the behavioral
expression the actor and the character come together, and that is what the audience
sees and hears. Behavioral expression connected to the task-emotions assumes a form
which suits the portrayal of the character. Physiological phenomena which have been
observed in studies with actors suggest that they have intense task related emotions
and that these can serve a twofold purpose: a) They lend the portrayal ofcharacter-emotions 'the illusion ofspontaneity' and b) they contribute to the presence ofthe actor. In
this respect task-emotions are functional and therefore fit within a contemporary interpretation ofthe functionality ofemotions.
Working with comparable theoretical psychological conceptions as well as the results ofpsychological research , I will attempt in the next chapter to make a connection
with the general idea, stemming from involvement theories , that the actor must have
emotions which are similar to those of the character. This idea persists stubbornly, as
the researchers Hammond and Edelman (1991) still attest, despite the obvious fact that
everyone knows that the actor is not the character. We mus[ therefore ask ourselves
how the imagination ofemotions relates to the impersonation ofemotions.

AndromQch€. Toneelgroep Amsterdam , d irected by Gerardjan Rijnders '99°-'99',
The acting style was based on the ,8th C. Classicistic performance style in France.

5

Imagination and Impersonation
...either in tragedy, or in farce,
the actor immersed in its spirits,
stands outside his role,
while seemingto believe utterly in its reality.
JOHN l. STYAN (1975)

5.1

Intraduction: Character Representation

Acting is traditionally. among other things, directed toward portraying a character's
emotional world as believably and convincingly as possible. Such characters are perceived as experiencing emotions that correspond to those that people have in real life.
However, the emotion characters experience are not emotions in the true sense, as was
shown in subsection 4.3.1. This chapter will concentrate on the impersonation ofcharacter-emotions, as well as the relationship between the impersonation ofa characteremotion and the actor's own feelings.
As stated, character-emotions are representations of emotions, not the emotions
themselves. In the foregoing chapter various important aspects ofthe emotion process
and their relevance for the actor were discussed. In section 5.2 ingredients of the emotion process for portraying a charactn will be discussed. There are elements in the representation which create the impression thatwe are dealing with emotions.
According to the acting theories which advocate involvement it is necessary for the
actor to experience the character-emotions himself. The imagining ofemotions will be
linked to the concepts of empathy and identification such as these are used in psychologically oriented research (5.3). The significance of the stage situation for the actor
will then be compared with that of the dramatic situation for the character. It will be
revealed that a high degree ofinvolvement is liable to push aside task-emotions and the
accomplishment of acting tasks (5.4). The 'emotions' an actor invokes through involvement or imagination, which are similar to those of the character, differ fundamentally in a number ofrespects from 'spontaneously' aroused emotions (5.5).
Although the involvement theory is perhaps based on the idea that expressions of
'real' emotions will be more believable and appealing to audiences than feigned
emotions, psychological research reveals that this is not necessarily so. Although,
imitating emotional expression can indeed lead to feelings which the actor might
imagine to be his own emotional experience (5.7). By bringing a number of important aspects of the emotion process during acting into conjunction with insights
from psychological research, we will understand why an actor is thought to have a
'double consciousness'. In chapter three, this notion came up as a potemial solution
for rhe actor's dilemma. Psychological research on double or plural states of consciousness reveals that specific experiences, for example disassociating feeling from
79

behavior, are characteristic features of double consciousness. I will discuss how this
applies to acting in section 5.8.

5.2

Acting Character-Emotions

Character-emotions are not real emotions (4.3.1). They are representations ofbehavior
suggesting emotion, used to create the illusion ofthe real emotion we know in daily life
in a convincing and believable way. To quote Dennet (1987); 'Characters are observed
as real people'. The most common dramatic situations are about death, danger, large
sums ofmoney, and lost or not yet captured loves, where temptation, iealousy, revenge,
and such come into play. The essence of drama is conflict, which indicates that concerns are at stake. Polti suggests that a maxi mum of36 dramatic conflict situations can
be constructed, based on his estimate that there is a maximum of 36 (basic) emotions
(1990: 9). The most typical character-emotions are connected with conflict situations,
like despair, anger, revenge, hatred, fear, jealousy, disgust, but also with love, eroticism, tenderness, pleasure, and happiness. The emotions characteristic for dramatic
roles are comparable to what are known in psychological literature as basic emotions
or prototypical emotions. I
To make it possible for audiences to interpret certain behavior ofactors as behavior
that indicates emotions, audience members must at minimum be able to recognize
behavior as appropriate to the emotions ofthe character. Subsequently audiences may
let themselves become involved in the emotion. This raises the question as to what
character-emotions should look like in order to seem real or be perceived as emotions.
The character-emotions are suggested on stage by providing the audience with information on aspects relevant to the dramatic situation. Further, character-emotions are
suggested by imitating behavior, especially by making presumably appropriate action
tendencies or impulses visible. I will describe some of the most relevant concerns and
features for characters in dramatic situations .
It seems plausible that a process takes place in audience members, which is the
reverse ofthe emotion process Frijda describes (figure 4.1). Audiences will deduce the
character's emotions, concerns, and situational meaning from the behavior exhibited
and from information given about the context. The direction the impersonated character-impulse takes - either avoidance or approach - will help the audience interpret the
'emotional behavior' so that they will be able to understand the character's actions.
In this way it becomes possible to sympathize with the character. Information from
other sources like the dramatic course ofaction and the spoken text can also help. The
portrayal of character-emotions must necessarily point to defining features of real
emotions; to concerns in combination with situational components, which can arouse
impulses with control precedence.
5.2.1

Characters and Concerns The main theme ofdramatic action is usually deter-

mined by the concerns of the characters , as well as by their goals , plans, motivations,
and desires. In principle any imaginable concern could be suitable as a concern of a
stage character. However, a great majority ofdramatic literature and theater practice,
seems to show preference for a certain category of emotions and to address certain
80

IMAG I NATION AND IMPERSONATION

types ofconcerns. This is especially true of'lead' characters (to which this study is limited). For example, Medea's source concerns such as self-esteem, survival, restitution,
and justice, are threatened when she hears that Jason will marry the princess. These
concerns lead her to plot her own departure; they generate allusions to the cruelest of
revenge scenarios: Destroying Jason by murdering their children. The most treasured
renditions on stage are those of the 'big' emotions, those which refer to universal
source concerns. These involve survival, love, self~esteem, power, freedom, etc. Because fundamental interests are at stake, characters are often entangled in violent conflicts and passionate affairs; they are confronted with seemingly insurmountable difficulties, suffer intensely and undergo unbridled passions. 2 It seems easier to act out,
and to put across the audience, a story line with concrete surface concerns than with
general and abstract source concerns. The source concerns ofcharacters are therefore
usually expressed by employing the more concrete surface concerns. Referring to
source concerns by using surface concerns is a practical strategy (for actor and audience), because concrete matters in the here and now make a stronger appeal to emotions than abstract issues. 3 The idea that audience concerns will be addressed through
events in the fictional world ofcharacters is found most clearly in Brecht's texts on theater. 4 Brecht places great emphasis on showing the audience recognizable concerns of
the characters and specific features of the dramatic situation (3.3). With Stanislavsky
one recognizes the need to know and portray character's concerns in formulating the
character's 'highest aspirations' in order to shape the inner model and arrive at 'identification'. In the acting method ofself-expression, with Grotowski for example, we recognize an appeal to concerns when the Polish director speaks ofrevealing the 'deepest
self' (with actor and aud ience) (3.4).
Values can also become concerns and are therefore an important source of intense
emotion. Values are connected with social rules , what 'should and should not be'. 'People may become enraged about offenses against values to a degree that would likely be
exceptional for them in personal matters' (Frijda 1986: 354). Grotowski and Brook
endeavored to touch audienc'es deeply by challenging taboos. Many concerns which are
rendered in dramatic works involve these types of values that are turned into vested
interests, thus emotionally touching the interests of the audience and move them.
Classical dramatic texts in particular appeal to morals or tend to be moralistic. s Values
transformed to vested interests are generally not the most prominent interests of the
dramatic characters; characters are more often representatives ofthese values. Sympathy for the character often ceases the moment his deeds go too far: When they offend
the audience's own vested interest values.6 To make the interests of characters clear,
relevant components ofthe even[ or situation are crucial to a representative reflection
ofemotions.
5.2.2

Components in Dr matic Situations Character-emotions can only be rec-

ognized by the audience as reflections of real emotions when the characters' situations
include references to the components objectivity and reality. These core components
are, ultimately, all indispensable for arousing and experiencing real emotions (4.3). As
mentioned earlier, any possible emotion or concern could be conceivable for charac-

ters, and the same holds for any conceivable situation. Some ofthe most relevantcomponents which appear frequently in dramatic situations will be described below. These
are concerns and components which can be presumed to be characteristic for character-emotions in leading characters. I shall now discuss the importance of the components for the characters, and not their possible relevance for the actor. The two will be
compared in section 504The impersonated character-emotions will be plausible for the audience if they
refer to realistic concerns and features in a dramatic situation and ifthere are realistic
occasions. This is the core component reality. Brecht sought conviction in characteremotions not inside the reality ofthe portrayed emotion in itself(e.g., where both the
advocates of the styles of self-expression and involvement look for 'reality'), but by
showing plausible motives for character-emotions (3.3). The component reality also
has another function in dramatic work. The boundary between fiction and truth,
between seeming and being, is a favorite theme of modern playwrights (cf. Six Characters in Search of an Author, Pirandello 1921; Waitin,g for Godot, Beckett 1953; Liljhebber,
Rijnders 1992). These authors create situations where characters, and sometimes audiences, seem to be in a state ofuncertaimy about how profoundly their interests are
concerned. Likewise, toying with objectivity seems to be an important ingredient for
creating tension and drama in fictional situations; the events on stage overtake the
character and the character's interests are instantly in the balance. Countless examples ofdramatic literature and performance reveal that objectivity and reality are critical components ofdramatic situations.
The core component which is probably most typical for character situations is dijfiwlty; problems must be overcome, battles fought, lovers won and lost, in-laws and
families convinced they are wrong, etc. Goals, plans, interests, and desires are usually
difficult for characters to fulfill in the given situation and various obstacles and hurdles
must be overcome. The component of ur,gfnCy also plays a major part in dramatic situations, as when 'deadlines' are set. In Hamlet there are many moments when the urgency
factor is being exploited: The murder of Hamlet's father must be avenged nOWj to rescue Ophelia from her madness (and death) Hamlet has to unmask himself now (later
proves to be too late-Ophelia dies); in the final duel scene Hamlet must strike Laertes
now. In performance, urgency is most likely translated partially into 'timing'. For the
audience, the urgency component takes effect when the show becomes exciting and
suspenseful. The components of urgency and difficulty determine how intense the
character-emotions will be.
The continual struggle with a seemingly uncontrollable event, object or opponent
(the component controllability) is another source ofintense character-emotions. ]uliet's
passionate, albeit doomed, desire for Romeo would not be nearly so 'dramatic' were
she to have more control over the situation. We sympathize, as spectators, so much
more with Medea because her misery has been wrought by others, in particular by
]asooj she has no ability to control the inflicted distress. Characters usually find themselves in situations where they try to avoid or change their relationship with their surroundings and fellow characters so that the negative aspects will be removed. In other
words, the valence of the dramatic situation is usually negative. Thus, the situation for
8,

Il'1AG I NATiON AND 1M PE RSONATlON

Andromachi (Racine 1667) is negative throughout the play. She is confronted with an
impossible choice to free her imprisoned son and finally decides to die. When characters do reach coveted goals , as in romances and comedies, it is usually not umil the end
ofthe play.
Lastly, I mention the core components strangenm-familiarity and demand character.
Dramatic situations are unfamiliar for the character, who never knows what is about to
happen, and have a high demand character. For example, Hamlet is completely fixated
on the idea of avenging his father's murder. However, he does not know for certain
who the murderer is.
5. 2 .3 'Action Tendencies' and Behavior in Characters To make character-emotions seem like 'real' emotions, actors will impersonate action tendencies or impulses
which coincide with these 'emotions'. Because these are not real action tendencies, like
those paired with real emotions (characters cannot really fee!), these will be called character-tendencies. The actor can only make character-tendencies visible by exhibiting
behavior, through facial expression, movement or voice, and in so doing set the tone
for the character-emotions. Thus avoidance behavior is a representation ofthe impulse
to avoid associated with negative emotions because aspects ofthe situation are threatening to the concerns ofthe character. When, for example, Medea's context evaluation
consists ofan evaluation ofher options for punishing Jason, the pain to be suffered and
abandonment of her country, her presumed character-tendencies will be a combination of the impul ses 'to flee', 'to avoid ', 'to attack', and perhaps the tendency 'to burst
into tears', or 'to scream '. Such impulses are compatible with a combination of grief
and fury.? Similarly, approach behavior expresses the impulse to approach, which is
compatible with positive emotions, because the situation is probably favorable to the
satisfaction ofone's interests.
Control precedence of character-tendencies becomes visible in the form of obsession. The situation is so urgent for the character that other activities no longer take priority. The characters are driven and seemingly only controlled by impulses pertaining
to the aroused emotions; their behavior appears to express only these character-tendencies.ln the world ofthe character, seen from an audience perspective, it seems like
nothing exists other than the object of the emotion or the realization of the coveted
goal. It is precisely this demand precedence that we recognize in the impersonation of
impassioned characters.
In performance, a character-emotion is nothing more than the behavior an actor
exhibits, normally interpreted by the audience as part of the character. Moreover, the
behavioral expression of character-emotions diverges from everyday behavioral expression because it is based on an imaginary model (3.6.1). When imitating the behavior which suits the intended emotions, the actor is one with the character. The behavior which suits the characters-emotions is identical to the behavior of the actor as
character. This behavior IS what the audience sees (and hears); it is what they deduce
character-emotions from (along with other information). The three ways in which an
emotion can be expressed are limited to bebavior only when it comes to expressing
character-emotions. The other channels of expression (subjective perception and

physiological reactionsi 4.8) can only eXist for
character-emotions in the minds of the audience through their interpretation of behavior.
In this sense character-emotions are 'empty'
behavior. That this behavior can also be 'filled'
with outputs from the actor's own emotion
process is a different matter, as was discllssed
in chapter four. As such, these outputs are not
part of the character-emotion itself, in a strict
sense. The impersonation of character-emotions is largely prescribed, in a script or during
a rehearsal process, and must meet the demands a director (or other theater maker)
makes on such portrayals, including, among
other things , being recognizable, believable,
convincing, and somehow appealing.

Once. during ~ try oul.1 sat on a chair that was paint.
ed just before. While I was seated,l reali~ed it wu still
wet.' knew that, when Iwould get up, everybody could
see the paint on me. Afterwards, a colleague asked me
why I blushed so much, with such a red face: 'Was it so
hot in therel' The audience thought Igot e~cited by the
way Iw'u ifItreated by Hermionr (the cha racter) in the
play. My mind was only occupied by Ihinking how to gel
rid of the paint and how my dress would stick to the chair.
Sure, I had to poly attention to my part .IS well. but that
was something differenl . And so, e.lch nighl has its own
things 10 (ope with, somethins from outside influencing
your play. Far example. one night 'it' is there, the ot her
night 'it' is nOllhere, bul ... what is 'it'?
(Actress Oda Spetbos in Ihe documentary ACleurl5pfIto Emoliu, NPS 1995, bastd on Ko.nijn 1994).

To sum up, it is clear that dramatic texts, performances and scripts include a number of
ingredients which bear resemblance to features of everyday emotions in order to appear like real emotions. For the actor these features (components in Frijda's terms) will
be relevant for shaping an inner model ofthe character-emotions. But, in impersonating character-emotions, how do they relate to the actor's own feeling? In general, the
prevailing acting theories do not acknowledge what I call task-emotions as discussed
in chapter three. The acting style of detachment seems to be the only one to recognize a
distinction between various levels ofenactment. Detachment acting does not however
suggest that the actor uses or shows his task-emotions per se; the emotions ofthe actor
qua actor are, as it were, ignored.
The advocates ofthe style of self-rxprmion urge the actor to present his own (private)
emotions. In this style there is no illusion of ,real ' characters intended, but of 'real'
people - the actors present themselves. The style of involvement is the most problematic
in light ofDiderot's paradoxical standpoint. The view held by advocates of the style of
involvement on the question raised in Paradoxe is the opposite ofDiderot's ami-emotionalist opinion. According to the style of involvement the actor has emotions during
an acting performance wh ich correspond to those of the character. Moreover, the style
ofinvolvement, or variants thereof, seems to be the most accepted method in contemporary theater and film practice (e.g., Hornby 1992). The work ofStanislavsky and his
successors (mostly an Americanized interpretation) is the most popular method in
drama schools. This was revealed in the 1993 BBC documentary, The Drama Centre. But
how can we understand what involvement means?

5'3

Involving Oneself in Character·Emotions

To gain insight into the process of ,immersing oneself' into a character emotion, I will
try to make a connection with some psychological research on involvement. Psychological research uses the terms empathy and identification for processes which in act-

I MAGI NATION AND IMPERSONATION

ing theory and practice usually are called 'iovolvemen t' or 'projecting into'. 8 Rather
than a complete theoretical discussion ofthese terms, I will suffice with a discussion of
the aspects of empathy and identification which are connected with the emotion
process during acting.
5-3- 1 Empathy and Identification Empathy and identification are not emotions
in themselves, but processes by which individuals experience similar emotions. The
terms involvement, empathy, and identification are usually used interchangeably. Research on empathy and identification is important to understand the 'involvement' of
the actor in character-emotions. A common feature of empathy and identification is
that the fate of another, the observed or the object of emotion, becomes part of the
emotional experience afthe observer. Empathy refers to the source concern of ,caring
for the well-being ofloved ones' or of'proximity and coherence' and 'intimacy', or ofa
sympathy concern. 9 In part, these concerns stem from specific sensitivity to pain or
need in others, which evokes caring behavior. Empathetic emotions include pity, compassion, malign pleasure, sympathy, wonder, and fascination.
The main distinction between empathy and identification is found in the separation
or lack of separation between oneselfand the other. lo The drama scholar Schoenmakers defines identification as a process through which the spectator begins to experience emotions similar to those of the other: 'Those processes by which the subject
places him- or herself in the situation of an object, and accordingly experiences the
same emotions as he or she thinks the object experiences' (Schoenmakers 1988: 142).
According to Frijda, identification is distinct from empathy because with identification
there is a self-object-dissolution, in which the sense is lost that events are taking place outside ofourselves; this feels like 'being one' with the world. This can also mean 'being
one' with another person or character. This seems to correspond with the trance-like
experience afthe actor which Brook and Cons£antinidis, among others, describe, and
which occurs in certain rituals, primarily in non-Western cultures. Perhaps this state of
being is also comparable with that of an actor who 'identifies completely' with his
character. Identification does not result in feelings ofsympathy for another, but in having feelings similar to the emotions the character presumably has.
Identification thus leads to emotions similar to those of the character and empathy
leads to emotions d~rent from those ofthe character. With empathy, the emotions,
components, and concerns of the actor and character are not comparable (such as the
actress feeling pity for Electra's distress). The concerns underlying empathetic emotions are ofanother order (namely 'sympathy' or 'proximity and coherence') than that
ofthe character's. Moreover, the object ofthe empathetic emotions is actually the other
person, and not a direct result of a situation or event in which 'I find myself' (in
thought). Conversely, with identification, a similar concern is shared by two individuals, possibly in the imagination or in a fantasy; The concerns of the character are 'like
my own'. Likewise, the other is not the object and nota meaningful part ofthe process,
but rather the other is 'like myself'; there is a merging with the subject.
Research on empathy and identification, as far as theater studies are concerned,
usually concerns the relationship between spectators and characters and seldom con-

cerns the relationship between actors and characters. Moreover, the characters studied
are usually film characters,lI To be able to empathize or identifY, the actor will in a
sense have to be an observer for the character, even though he will be a different type of
viewer than an audience member. According to Tan's (1996) psychological studies in
film, empathetic emotions in viewers are 'eye witness emotions'. Empathy in actors
seems to be of a different nature; an actor imagines how it would feel to be like the
character and also how the audience will see him as the character. The actor can certainly have empathy for the character, but the task situation does not allow for pausing
to consider the fate ofthe character in the sense ofempathy. In the foregoing chapter a
plausible case was made for the notion that the task situation demands the actor's full
attention, If an actor empathizes during a performance, this will more likely be
prompted by a task concern than because the actor feels the need to care. The need for
caring is a source concern and one of the important underlying sources ofempathetic
emotions,I2
Understanding and 'immersing oneself' in the character will probably be more important for the actor during the rehearsal period. Delving into the emotion provides information about the relevant concerns and situational components in order to create a
model in the imagination. In addition, it provides insight into the information that the
actor will transmit to the audience. However, even advocates ofthe style ofinvolvement,
like method acting, may not lose sight of the aspects of control over the acting process
and the consciousness ofthe task situation. That is why one can not expect a total overlap in the various phases ofthe emotion process between actor and character (5+1),
Thus, when drama theoreticians speak of involvement with a character, namely in
the context of the actor's dilemma and acting in a performance, they seem to mean
identification. After all, through involvement the actor would have emotions similar to
those of his character. Ij Similarity of emotions is based on the presumption that the
meaning of the situation for the character has some congruence with the situationa!
meaning from the actor's point of view. ]n this case there would be comparable concerns at stake (for instance, anxiety about self-preservation that the actress shares with
Medea), Nevertheless, involvement during the rehearsal process can just as easily point
at empathy. which strategies can the actor use to involve himselfwith the character, in
the sense of identification, to arrive at similar emotions or attaining a similar state of
mind?
5· 3. 2 Strategies for Involvement Because the character's dramatic situation is not
the same as the actual situation in which the actor finds himself, it is germane to discuss some research in which emotions are aroused without the confrontation with the
actual emotional stimulus. [n psychological research on emotions, various procedures
are used on test subjects to arouse emotions, since the actual test situation itself does
not contain direct provocation. [n this sort ofresearch, three strategies to arouse emotions through involvement can be discerned: (a) By using film, Cb) by using specific instructions, and (c) through mimicry. Often the various procedures are combined.
Koriat's research used film segments showing accidents in a sawmill. The subjects
were instructed in advance to either a) involve themselves in the film, or to b) distance
86

I MAGI NATION AN D IMPERSONATION

themselves from it. This strategy yielded particularly interesting results in reference to
the acting process. To involve themselves in the situation, most subjects tried to imagine that they were the accident victim. To distance themselves they generally convinced
themselves that what they were seeing was not real and concentrated on the technical
aspects of the film. 14 The subjects' involvement strategy can be seen as an attempt to
make the situation concrete. By placing themselves in the role ofthe character they rendered the situation concrete. Concretization makes emotions stronger, while abstraction weakens them. The 'here and now' has a much stronger, more direct reality value
than the 'there and then' (5.2). To involve oneself it is therefore important that the
imagined situation is brought closer to the 'here and now' than the actual context
which the subject (or actor) is in. The actor can understand the concerns and the components of the character better and involve himselfbetter by imagining himself in the
position of the character. To design an inner model it is important that one forms an
image of the most relevant concerns, goals, and motivations of a character and of the
most important features ofthe dramatic situation.
The researcher Lang and his colleagues used different instructions to evoke an emotional image or vision. One group of test subjects was offered descriptions in which
their attention was completely focused on stimulation features of the situation. For
example: 'You notice an insect'. The other group focused attention mainly on behavioral and physiological responses to the stimulus, for example 'you hear the buzzing of
an insect' (Lang et al. 1980: r83). 15 The results show that the latter reaction-directed instructions evoked the strongest and liveliest images. My interpretation is that, with reaction-directed instructions the person himself is directly involved and therefore
focuses more on the 'here' than the 'there'. According to an overview survey by Martin
(r990) it appears rather difficult to arouse intense emotions 'in imagine' in research
situations. Oiderot already pointed to the difference between emotional feelings
brought on by a sensitive reading ofan event and the emotion during the event itself, in
which the object, feeling, and effect coincide (1985: 58).
A third line ofresearch involves mimicry. Here the basic assumption is that we more
or less unconsciously try to imitate the emotions we observe in others. rhus lajonc
says: 'Reproducing the expression ofanother may well produce in the onlooker a similar emotional state. Ofcourse the feeling is not experienced equally. But this might be
so only because the movements are notfaithjUlly reproduced' (Zajonc r98s: 19, italics
EK). Applied to actors this would mean that emotions similar to the portrayed character's will arise because actors imitate emotional expressions. This theoretical assumption is in line with notions like 'emotional infection' during acting. 16
In short, the above shows that 'involving oneselfin emotions' principally concerns
involving oneself in potentially emotional situations. By imagining the situation in the
most concrete way, reactions can be evoked which are like the phenomena of spontaneously aroused emotions. Impersonating or imitating the related behavioral expression may possibly also contribute to arousing sensations. To what extent imagining or
imitating emotional expressions can lead to 'real' emotions is still an unresolved problem, to which I will return in section 5.5. Yet, the theoretical analysis so far does not
provide any reason to suppose that the actor must identifY with the character. Why then

8,

is this idea so persistent? What could be thefunctiol1 ofbecoming involved with character-emotions, or the actor imagining himself as having the character's emotions? involvement supposedly assists the recognition and believability of the portrayal which
subsequently makes the impersonation more convincing. The question to what extent
identification is necessary for a recognizable and believable impersonation of character-emotions on stage will be answered in section 5.6. However, when an actor imagines the character-emotions or the emotional situations in which characters find themselves, identification is intended. Then, the imagined situation or 'emotion' will have
to correspond in one way or another with the actor's task situation.

5.4

Opposing Concems, Components, and Impulses?

Suppose that an actor involves himselfin the situation ofa character. How do the concerns , components, and action tendencies of character-emotions relate to the actor's
task-emotions? The types of character-emotions the actor might possibly immerse
himself in were discussed in section 5.2. The degree to which typical character-emotions , in terms of concerns and situational components are in opposition to or in
agreement with the most relevant task concerns and situational components in the acting situation will be explored in this section.

5+ 1

Concerns in the Drama and in the Task The actor's task concerns (compe-

tence, self-image, sensation seeking, and esthetic concerns; discussed in section 4.4),
are seldom the most relevant concerns of central characters (5.2.r). They might even
be in opposition to one another during a performance. The struggle for 'restitution'
or 'survival', for example, cannot easily be equated with the actor's image concern.
Therefore it becomes difficult to imagine how involving oneself in the character's
concerns can serve to accomplish the most relevant task concerns ofthe actor (in his
profession). His interests in the 'here and now' in the acting situation ofa live performance will affect the professional actor more directly than the concerns he has
imagined to resemble the character's concerns. It is therefore not likely that specific
emotions conjured up by the actor to resemble the character-emotions will override
the actual task emotions. Nor will an emotion evoked through involvement during a
performance fulfil! the functional core of emotions, because it does not serve the interests of the actor in the acting situation. After all, emotions function to serve actual
interests.

Partially Comparable Components When an actor has the sensation that he
5.4.2
experiences the character's emotions, there has to be at least a modicum ofsimilarity in
the situational components of the task emotions and character-emotions. In the last
chapter, various important aspects of the emotion process and its significance for the
actor were discussed (4.5). In section 5.2, the significance ofthese aspects for the character was described. Below, I will discuss the cornponents in the emotion process - objectivity, reality, urgency, difficulty, controllability, valence, strangeness-familiarity, and
demand character - for the situation ofthe actor in comparison to those ofthe character.

88

IMAGI NATION AND I M PERSONATION

Characters in dramatic situations are inevitably entangled in seemingly realistic conflicts. We saw that the reality and objectivity levels for them are high. The high degrees of
reality and objectivity in the actual task situation in acting were also mentioned in subsection 4-5. I. When the actor involves himselfwith the character, it is not likely that he
will be able to trade the objectivity and reality ofthe task situation for these same components in the dramatic situation through involvement. Thatwould seem to be impossible as long as there is an audience present and as long as the actor is not deluded or in
a 'trance'. Perhaps he can use 'the feeling' ofobjectivity and reality in the task situation,
in the sense of transforming these sensations, to assist his sense ofinvolvement (compare with 4.9).
The components called urnency and dUfirulty score high for both the character and
the dramatic situation. As already seen, these components cause the emotions to be
very intense (4.5.2). The imagined situation into which the actor projects himselfcan at
that moment not be urgent for the actor; certainly no more urgent than the actual task
situation which puts him face to face with an audience. The dramatic situation of the
character may be difficult to depict, but for the actor, the character situation will not be
difficult as a part of his own emotional experience. Thanks to many rehearsals, (usually), he knows the dramatic situation very well. The difficulty and urgency of the task
situation felt by an actor who adheres to a style of involvement may possibly contribute
to the 'feeling ofhaving the character's emotions'.
Characters often have very low or even no control over a particular situation; characters are often just pawns of the dramatic events, as Medea is at the mercy of her fate.
The threat emanating from the lack of control makes the component valence in most
dramatic situations negative for the character. The task emotions of the actor, on the
other hand, have a positive base as argued in the last chapter. The task demands and
the command ofskills will be balanced to the extent that possible risks will provoke the
emotion challenge. The values ofthe components called wntrollability and valence seem
to be opposite for character and actor. Therefore the task situation will, in this respect,
not contribute to possible feelings of involvement. When the actor involves himself
with his character the 'emotions' he calls forth will be relatively easier to control than
his task emotions. Moreover, he will not be imagining the dramatic situation for the
first time in performance.
The situations that characters discover themselves in are unknown to them; likewise,
that will be the impression created for the audience. Being unfamiliar with difficult
situations heightens the sense of uncontrollability and demands attention. However,
when an actor involves himself into a character, the dramatic situation is completely
familiar. He needs to know the situation to be able to imagine it. Situations of central
characters generally have a high demand character, because, for them, they concern
major events and important persons demanding the character's attention. Demand
character for the actor in the task situation is also high. During every performance
there will be unexpected aspects in the acting situation which require attention to be
handled successfully. The demand character ofthe situation in the imagination is neg~
Iigible compared to the actual task situation; it does not lay the same claim on the capacity to concentrate as the task situation does.

"

Thus, the comparison ofsome important components in the task situation with equivalent components in most typical dramaric situations shows, on the one hand , that corresponding levels of a few components can contribute to giving an actor who involves
himself with the role the 'feeling ' that he roo is experiencing the character-emotions.
On the other hand, the comparison shows that the differences are so fundamental that
they provide no ground for similarity between the emotions ofthe actor and the character. Only if the actor involves himself to the extent that heforgets the task situation and
the imagined situation actually takes over, can this imagined situation have an impact
on the actor th;1t is similar to the dramatic situation. But, I think that even if the recalled
(private) emotions are strongly present, the task situation will dominate during the
performance. The memory ofa sad experience can revive the 'feeling' of sadness again
and again. This may even be a very intense feeling, yet, it is not the same experience as
when the emotion first arose during the original occurrence of the sad event. It is also
possible that the private emotion still persists and that recollection strengthens its intensity; the components called urgency and gravity then become actual or heightened.
Furthermore, frequent rehearsals put the character-emotions into another light for the
actor. Note again that we are discussing involvement during a live performance; involvement during rehearsals can be helpful indeed.
5·43 Transforming Impulses Action tendencies or impulses which are related to
the task situation and have the same orientation as the character impulses to be impersonated, can ;1lso contribute to the actor's sense of experiencing the character-emotions himsel£ However, the direction of the impu [ses of actor an d character see m, at
first glance, to be incompatible. Characters always want something, they have clear
goals, desires, and plans that they want to see accomplished. They head for these goals
like heroic 'fighting dragons ', even if, in a similar situation in daily life, our impulse
would be 'to flee'. Unlike daily life, negative or unpleasant character-emotions in dramatic conflicts seldom lead to avoidance behavior (ofthe character). That would, after
all , put an end to the drama and bring down the final curtain. Dramatic conflict usually
stems from the fact that a character wants or needs something which is not always
actually attainable (and ifso, seldom easy).
The impulses associated with task emotions are generally oriented toward approach. 'To go for it' and 'overcome difficulties' are characteristic action tendencies
associated with challenge (4.7) . There appears, finally, a substantial degree ofoverlap
possible in the struggles and the impulses ofactor and character; action tendencies of
task-emotions and the character-tendencies generally point in the same direction.
The actor can transform, apply, and use the action tendencies or impulses of taskemotions to give the character gestalt. Recalling subsection 4.3.1, the emotions of
characters are not really emotions, but only reflections ofbehavior which (for an audience) resemble behavior that we recognize or know as expressing an emotion. In the
process ofplaying a character before an audience, impulses or action tendencies related to the task-emotions can be reversed and used to fill in the character. Likewise, it is
not difficult to imagine how control precedence ofthe actor's task emotions (4.8) can
take on the appearance of 'obsession' in the character. The drive of the actor to keep
go

IMAGINATION AND IMrERSONATION

the audience in his grip can easily resemble Hamlet's fixation on the revenge of his
father's murder.
The 'empty' portrayal of character-emotions (5.2.3) can thus be 'filled in' with the
action tendencies of the actor's task-emotions. The actress playing Medea obviously
cannot actually murder the players opposite her. However, an urge (for example) to
'overcome difficulties', to 'go for it', or to 'do something' will arise automatically, as it
were, from her task situation; she can give these urges the semblance ofMedea 'wanting to murder'. There is no competition for control precedence: Those of actor and
character are in line of each other. The action impulses and control precedence of the
actor will be deployed or shaped as an illusion ofthe impersonated action tendency of
the character. To clarifY this, figure 5.1 shows an adapted version offigure 4. I concerning the emotion process during acting.
The action tendencies linked to task-emotions which steer toward behavior, can in
general not be shown to audiences as observable behavior without transformation or
shaping them. It is possible for the actor to give these impulses a different expression.
He can for instance use the impulse to support fright in a character, or to embrace his
character's lover passionately (now alone at last). Because a 'reflection ofa character's
action tendency' is partially sustained by a 'real action tendency in the actor', the impersonation of the character tendencies will seem more authentic. The conviction of
the acting will be enhanced.
The professional actor will have to mask or reshape the impulses and urges which
do not fit into the character impersonation. The urge, for example, to shout that a colleague has forgotten his wig cannot be expressed right away on stage. Neither may an

FI ure 5.1: EmOtion process in the task situation of the actor
input:
task concerns

octOI
task situation
evaluation process
- core components
- contut components
- urgency components
(form the situational meaning structure)
action tendency

output:

chorocur
dramatic situation

- physiology
- perception
- behavior

apply or transform
portrayal of
character behavior*
apply or transform
feedback

• Actor's behavlor expression shown (and observed) as 'belonging' to a character-emotion , in which the audience
member deduces presu mptions about character-concerns and the meaning orthe dramatic situ31ion in which the
character finds himself.

actor burst out laughing unless his character is particularly jolly at that precise
moment. Happy or positive emotions as central character-emotions seem to appear
relatively less frequently than negative character-emotions (5.2). Perhaps impersonations ofpositive character-emotions are more easily paired with the generally positive
task-emotions , which are associated with approach impulses. Listlessness, apathy,
boredom, or other 'non-energy' emotions only occur to a limited extent in the portrayal
of important characters. When these do occur the actor will have to switch to a more
radical reshaping or even suppression of task tendencies. Nonetheless, impersonations ofapathy, boredom and such, when they do occur in leading roles, need to have
an underlying tension and cannot come across as 'dull'. Here as well, reshaping tasktendencies is in line with the character-tendencies.
If the actor involves himself in negative or unpleasant character-emotions, there is
a risk that the possible positive effect ofthe similarity in the impulses ofthe character
and the task could be negated. The 'emotion' evoked through involvement could then
seem roo much like an everyday emotion. For a great number of emotions, especially
negative ones, this in turn leads to avoidance tendencies. {fthe actor were really to involve himself to such an extent that he actually experiences the negative emotions
himself, he might have the impulse to run away. If the actor involves himself to an
overwhelming extent, achieving complete identification with the character, there is
also another danger: Losing track ofthe working situation. 'Losing track' of the task
situation naturally has negative consequences, not only because the actor is neglecting the ta sk situation but also, for example, because this will probably irritate angered
colleagues - thus their self-image is also at stake.

Q: 'What do aciors feel on stage then!
A: HopffiJlly an actor feels what anybody would feel when he is on SlJlge. Abattery oflights in his fue; one,

two, eight-hundred people staring at himand upeeting something from him. Or that his clothes itch, his
mak.e-up is running, maybe that he's nervous. He does not feel his neNes, unless they are infected.
Q: But doesn·t he feel great feelingl or...?
A: Maybe. lfhe'sju51 had a big argument with his colleague or partner; Or someone in the second row is
yawning or browsing through his program out of boredom. Otherwise, there are undoubtedly a whole
series of bigger and smaller feelings playing in his bra.in, not unlike a surgeon during an operation for
instance. Or a denullechnician watching television.
But if he hu 10 act like he's terribly in love or mad as hell or has to die later!
A: Then he has to use all his concentration to make the audience see, to let them feci if you like, that he is very
much in love or angry or jealous or scared or uncertain. ...
Q, But how does the audience feel eve!)'thing the chara.cter the actor is playi ng feels!
A: Partly from the text , partly from what the attor does or doesn't do. Usually that is agreed and reheat ed.
An OJctor has all wrts of techniques to manipulate.•.. You learn these techniques in school and/or in prac·

Q:

tice. Acting is a profession .
Q: But don't some actors really cry on suge!

A: What is really! Some can produce tears on command. Ieven know an actress who ca n cry at a comma if you
asked her. But how 'real· is ' really' crying! ...
Q: Are actors who can't ' really ' cry worse actors!

A, Not necessarily. Maybe they can do other tricks beUer.'
(Director G.J. Rijnders responding to thuter critic K. Frerills, in Frefills and Rijndersl99z: 11)

IMAGINATION AND IMPERSONATION

In conclusion, the chance that the actor in performance will actually be touched (during the performance) by the essence ofan emotion evoked through imagination is very
slight. This is simply because the task concerns in the acting situation have more real~
ity, objectivity, and urgency for the professional actor than the dramatic situation does.
Being threatened with a prop knife does not arouse real emotion because the physical
well-being ofthe actor is not truly being threatened; his personal concerns are not really at stake. The essence ofa real emotion is that a sensed action impulse takes control
precedence. On stage this process is absent, no matter to what degree the actor has involved himself Consequently, the overriding need to behave in verisimilitude with the
'emotion' evoked through involvement is also missing. As will be seen later, there are a
number ofimportant differences between spontaneously aroused emotions and 'emo~
tions' evoked through imagination.

5.5

Spontaneous and Imagined Emotions

Sensations aroused through imagination have no bearing on the actual context (of
stage acting) for the actor, but relate to a fantasized, dramatic context. Nevertheless,
as Frijda indicates, a fantasy or an imagined event can also function as an input in the
emotion process. I will show that the distinction between emotions in daily life (that
is to say, spontaneously aroused or real emotions) and imagined emotions on stage, is
not a matter ofall or nothing. By 'imagined emotions' I mean the experiences evoked
in the imagination which resemble emotions: The imagining of oneselfin emotional
situations similar to those of the character. I again emphasize that lam talking about
emotions imagined while acting in a live performance, where the acting situation is
dominant. When the actual situation does not insist that action be taken, it will be
easier to lose oneselfin the imagination and (temporarily) forget that one is pretend~
ing, fantasizing, or remembering.

5-5-'
Five Differences It appears from the above that spontaneously aroused
emotions can be distinguished from emotions evoked through involvement (during
the acting situation in performance) . [will outline the differences in five aspects ofthe
emotion process: (1) The 'objective' and 'real' addressing ofconcerns; (2) control precedence; (3) consequences of the emotional experience; (4) arousal, duration, and
subsidence, and (5) expression ofthe emotion.
1. By imagining a situation, it is true that concerns are addressed, although not inevitably and not actually; 'only' in the imagination. The actor will always know that he
will not actually be stabbed to death: Objectivity and reality are low. Likewise, the actress
does not forget the moment when she felt just like Medea, Electra, or Antigone (maybe
in a tehearsal), but as soon as she realizes she does not have a reason, the feeling will
simply vanish.'7 Involvement can in principle lead to intense feelings, but for real emotions to occur it is necessary that concerns be addressed in a real and unavoidable way.
Depending on the strength ofthe illusion that one is 'present' in the character's world,
the sense of objectivity and reality might be great to very great, even conceivably
approaching 'trance' or 'self-abject-dissolution' (5.3). But in fact the actor will have Iit~
tie opportunity to forget the actual situation. Aspects of the actor's task situation will
93

repeatedly remind him that there is work to be done; that he has to disappear into the
wings on cue between scenes, interact, apply corrections, etc.
2. 'Emotions' evoked in the imagination do not take control precedence over possible action tendencies. If an impulse to take action arises, this will not readily take priority
over behavior motors. This implies that the control over an imagined emotion is relatively greater than over a spontaneous emotion. One can easily escape an imagined
emotion by, for example, walking off stage or 'dropping' lines. An emotion evoked in
the imagination can, however, result in behavior. For instance, remembering a funny
experience sometimes results in a grin. Likewise, physiological activation resulting
from imagined emotions has been measured although it is not clear precisely what
caused these results (the evoked emotion or the effort ofinvoking the emotion; see 5.7).
3. Spontaneous emotions have tonsequenm for 'who you are', one's identity and social roles in daily life, and one's 'social intention'. On the other hand, an impersonated
emotion does not have direct consequences for a social role in daily life or for who you
are; it is, after all, 'only make believe' (assuming both parties acknowledge that it's a
game!). Medea's descent for example, will not affect the actress personally (not her
identity). On the contrary, if she interprets the role brilliantly, she will gain esteem. It
is not the emotion the actress has (perhaps) become immersed in and the behavior
depicting it (which was in the script to begin with) that have consequences for the reputation ofthe actress, but the acting itself-how well she performs. A more recent example is actor Nicholas Cage, who won acclaim for his role as the degenerate alcoholic in
the film Leavit1Il Las VeIlas (I996). Such critical recognition of craftsmanship is of a different order and refers to task concerns on the level of enactment of the actor-craftsman. As Goffman says: ' ... unlike ordinary life, nothing real or actual can happen to the
performed characters - although at another level ofcourse, something real and actual
can happen to the reputation of performers qua professionals whose everyday job it is
to put on theatrical performances' (1959: 246).
4. There is also a difference with the arousal (onset), duration (olfsetJ, and subsidence
(dynamics) ofeach sort ofemotion: Through involvement, an 'emotion' is slowly evoked,
while a spontaneous emotion usually catches us offguard or overcomes us suddenly.'8
The activity ofimagining an emotion can be postponed or timed; there can be a more or
less agreed upon, or self-imposed, beginning and end. An imagined emotion does not
usually continue into an after-impression. This abrupt duration is usually betrayed in
the expression: 'A fast ending suggests conscious activity or suppression of response'
(Frijda 1986: 43; Hess and Kleck 1990). Think of the polite smile which disappears
from your face before you have even turned around, versus a genuine smile. The duration ofemotions has a positive correlation with their intensity. 19
5. When an imagined emotion is expressed as a character on stage, it has been preconceived from a model in the imagination. An imagined emotion has a greater degree of
stylization and conformity to rules ofexpression than spontaneous expressions of emo~
tions, although the latter generally conform to culturally rooted rules of expression as
well. An example is the professional mourners, who shed 'real' tears. 20 The expression
of 'imagined emotions' diverging from rules of expression is often cause for praise in
the theater. In real life, however, nonconformity to the rules of expression is usually
94

I MAG INATlON AND IMPERSONATION

'punished' or at least provokes puzzled
responses. If in real life a person were
to laugh out loud during a funeral this
would be judged as unsuitable or rude.
Ifthe same were to happen on stage, we
would try to find a deeper meaning.

5·S· 2

Real and Pretended Emotions

Th rare incidentally fake emotions which are onlybehavior. lf l
get a present that only halfintererts me. t might give the impression
of being so ntremely joyful thal t clasp my hands and skip and
dance. Imight even let myself get a bit carried away with it and then
it would not be completely true 10 say Ih;lt Iam not happy. And still.
this joy is not real,lwill discard it, Iwill cast it fn from me as soon
as the visitor has left. let uS agree that this will be called an untrue
joy and remember that the untruth is not a logical feature ofa rertain
judgment. but an ninential condition. In this way Ican also have
untrue (ear or unreal sadnu5. These unreal states are neverthelen

The distinction between real emotions
distintt from those in acting. The actor makes the gestures ofsOlneand simulated emotions is subtle and
one who is joyful, or sad, but he is not joyful or sad , as the e gestures
diffuse, although pretense does not
are diretted toward a fictional world. He imitates bellavior. but he
per se also presume involvement!
does nol behave.... Spontaneous emotion is something altogether
Emotions in real life also contain a
diffHent : It is accompanied by belief. The qualities intended (Or the
certain degree of pretense, regulation,
objects are perceived as realities.
or theatricality. According to the emo(I.P. Sutre. 197 1 ['939) : 99 - 100)
tion psychologist Lazarus, we underestimate the degree to which real life
emotions are continually regulated. On
stage an inverted interrelation can occur with simulated emotions <character-emotions
impersonated without using involvement) and real life emotions, including task~emo~
tions as well as private emotions. The passage from Sartre's Magic and Emotion (see box)
makes clear how complex the relationship is between different degrees of truth, involvement and pretense.
The issue is not so much about the distinction between real and unreal emotions,
but more about a distinction in the degree ofsincerity- sincerity in the sense ofaccord
between external behavior and the underlying, inner feeling which as yet can scarcely
be measured. Different gradations in the degree ofsinceri ty are described by words like
real, trance, played, staged, or faked , which connote an increasing degree of disparity
between expression and the underlying ' truthful feeling'. The greater the disparity, the
'phonier' the expression.
In conclusion, I have proposed that the task situation impedes complete identification
between actor and character and therefore prevents 'real' emotions from arising which
are like those ofthe character. Experiences or feelings which are evoked through imagining an emotion can indeed seem a great deal like the experiences of having a real
emotion. But these are still not the same thing, at least not wh en we speak ofa professional actor in performance in front of an audience. No matter how much an actor
involves himself in his role, the essential elements of a real emotion are missing. 21
'Having an emotion in the imagination' differs from having a similar emotion oneself.
However, this still fails to answer the critical question: Is it necessary or important for
the actor in performance to experience similar emotions in order for his character to be
believable and convincing?

95

5.6

Believability ofEmotional Expressions

With the exception of contemporary 'abstract' and experimental acting, most acting
styles consider the beli evable and convincing portrayal of emotions as one of the central tasks ofthe actor (3.6). Is it necessary for an emotional expression to be real for it
to be believable? For an expression ofemotion to be bel ievable, it is important, first off,
that the audience recognizes this expression as indicating a certain emotion. 22 We will
see, however, that context-information is an important source for the audience to determine which emotion comes into play. Research on this subject is usually limited to
facial expressions.
5.6.1
Recognizing Spontaneous and Posed Expressions The current body of research on the recognition of emotion through facial expression shows evidence that
facial expression often yields sufficient information for recognition of the intended
emotion and that people generally do this well. 23 This is especially true for a number of
basic emotions like anger, sorrow, joy, fear, surprise, and disgust. Such prototypical
emotions are also often characteristic for dramatic characters. Being able to name an
emotion correctly does have some limitations. People appear to be better at recognizing intentionally posed emotions than spontaneous expressions, especially when static images or photographs are used. If, however, the expression was made visible on
film throughout its entire course, the measure of recognition increased significantly.
Frijda remarks: 'One need not distinguish much ofthe expressions to recognize them,
as long as the behavioral part is visible' (1958: 91). In other words, recognition of an
emotion is the recognition of the accompanying action tendency or impulse, as the
most essential feature of the 'sort' of emotion. In conjunction with knowledge of the
situation and the relevant components in the situation, an interpretQtion follows that the
observed behavior is emotional. When context-information is missing, as is the case
with still photographs, the percentage of correct readings of emotion decreases considerably. According to the researcher Wallbott, 'expressive' actors are better able to
convey emotions without context information than 'non-expressive' actors.
The correct recognition of emotions, based on facial expression, is also considerably poorer if random photographs are used, whereby test subjects are free to choose a
suitable emotion word (which is also the case for theater audiences). That is because
different emotions can have similar action tendencies and these provoke similar expressions, according to Frijda. 24 In subsection 5.4.3 it was suggested that impersonating character-tendencies is important for conveying intended emotions to an audience.
Providing information about the relevant concerns and the meaning of the situation,
the context-information, is equally important. 2)
5.6.2
Indications in Expressions for Authenticity It is generally assumed that
emotion cannot be kept completely concealed by a totally calm facial expression or
calm voice. Because these uncontrollable manifestations can show through a 'mask' of
pretense, it becomes possible to detect lies or deception. For this reason, facial expressions and fea tures of the voice are often used to determine the authenticity ofan emo96

IMAGINATION AND IMI'ERSONATION

a

b

Spontaneous (a) facial expression and posed (b) expression of disgustlrevulsion.

tion. Subtle differences are shown mainly in the muscle activity around the eyes, which
can separate a real smile from a misleading or false smile. However, 'When these differences of type of smiling were ignored and smiling was treated as a unitary phenomenon, there was no diffirence betwem truthjill and deceptive behavior' (Ekman et aL
1988: 414, italics EK: 1990).
According to the emotion psychologists Rinn and Zajonc, there are different structures in the nervous system for non-emotional facial expressions and for spontaneous
emotional expressions, which are moreover specific to each emotion. The researchers
Hess and Kleck found that deliberate posed expressions contain more irregularities
than spontaneous expressions, but that there was no difference in their duration. The
posed expressions followed after the instruction: 'To pose expressions of happiness or
disgust "as well as possible", but not to feel it'. The spontaneous expressions were registered during the viewing ofa short film or after an instruction to relive an emotional
experience. Ifthe request was to specially express a different emotion than the one felt
(which was elicited by viewing a film), these subsided more quickly than spontaneous
emotions (see also 5.5.1).
The differences between posed and spontaneous (facial) expressions of emotions
are, however, so minimal that they would scarcely be perceptible in a theater. Whether
an emotional expression is supported by a real emotion cannot be judged by a spectator
solely on the basis of observation. At most. one can interpret the behavior or presume a
corresponding inner emotion. Frijda suggests: 'It is difficult or impossible, to recognize pretense on the basis ofthe expressive image itself, or to know what is happening
under the controlled surface; one possibly sees only the controlling tension' (1958: 84).
Thus, according to him, it is also impossible w distinguish between expressions of
someone who gets water thrown in his face, or is afraid, or is tensed in concentration. 26
97

Recent research on (the recognition of) various differences between posed and spontaneous emotional facial expressions confirm that spectators cannot make distinctions
between them. 27 According to Hess and Kleck, people are incapable of making a correct distinction between spontaneous and deliberately posed emotional expressions of
happiness and disgust because they do not pay attention to the right cues or signals.
Attempting to detect the 'authenticity' ofan emotion seems, for an audience then, to
be a futile activity. It can sufficiently be concluded that there is indeed a difference between spontaneous and simulated emotional expressions but that the audience will
usually not be able to tell which is which. The possible authenticity ofan emotional expression can therefore not be crucial to judging its believability. This disregards the
question ofwhether actors are capable ofsuch complete control ofthe (facial) muscles,
that they can achieve expressions so real that 'you can't see the difference'. A few researchers have studied the command of emotional expressions in actors on stage. 2S
These studies also fail to assert that authenticity of emotional expression is necessary
for a believable portrayal.
It seems to me that authenticity of expression is therefore less crucial than the suitability of expression to the genre, the form of theater, the acting style, the desired
effect, information about the dramatic context, and so forth. Audiences have expectations about the correct degree of involvement depending on the specific theater form
(3.8). Stylized expressions, which are in line with cultural expectations, will perhaps be
recognized faster and will be more effective as theatrical devices than spontaneous
emotional expressions. Because 'authenticity' ofcharacter-emotions appears to be unnecessary, it comes down to the command ofthe instrument - which is the actor himself. The impersonation of emotional behavior can in and of itself however provoke
feelings, which the actor may believe to be the emotions themselves.

5-7

Imitation and Physiological Reactions

When actors portray characters believably what effect does the impersonation, mimicry, or imitation itself have? According to one psychological theory - the peripheral feedback theory - an emotion is aroused because imitation of its external signs relays its
accompanying physical reactions back to the brain as feedback; this, in turn, causes the
feeling of experiencing the emotion itself. Thus, by bringing an emotion into play, an
actor would arouse the emotion in himself. If this theory is correct, all actors would
have to experience emotions which concur with the portrayed character-emotions.
This would include actors who deploy a style of detachment, since by mimicking
or imitating behavior and expressions
which are usually associated with a
s. Scharhterand I.E. Singer (,g62; .g(5) did research on emotions.
particular emotion, peripheral feed,In tlleir acclaimed uperimellts. test subjects were admilliSlered
back will ensue.-'-9
adrellalille l'epinephrine'), after whith they were placed in a waiting
Psychological researchers, includroom. There was all assistall! in the waiting room who behaved eitller
ing Paul Ekman, have discovered that
cheerfully or maliciously. The subjects who were approached cheerfully desrribtd their (adrenaline-induced) agitated feelillgs 35 positive
negative emotions make the heart beat
emotions. The subjects who were truted aggressive ly, on Ihe other
significantly faster than positive emo~
lIand. descri~d tllei. 'arousal' as malevolrn' emotions .
tions. Skin temperature was shown to

IMAG INATION AND IMPERSONATION

be higher with anger than with fear or sadness. In these studies, each ofthe six (basic)
emotions tested showed a different pattern of physiological activation. According to
the Dutch psychologist Frans Boiten, who replicated Ekman 's research, the results can
be attributed to the degree of difficulty of the emotion to be portrayed. It is more difficult to portray negative emotions than positive ones; this results in more and different
physiological activation with negative emotions. One ofthe greatest problems in emotion research is how to ascertain whether someone is really experiencing a certain emotion. All in all, test results conclude that reproducing or imitating emotional expres~
sion in and ofitselfleads to all sorts ofphysiological reactions. Whether the experience
ofsuch physiological feedback is sufficient for 'feeling' an emotion, or whether this is
sufficient to justifY calling this emotion 'real', is impossible to say.
According to the researchers Schachter and Singer, physiological activation ('arous~
al') alone is not sufficient to arouse an emotion; it leads at most to feeling 'as if' there
were an emotion ('as iffeelings'). Physiological activation without a direct explanation
motivates an individual to find an explanation in his surroundings or in his thoughts:
'He will "label" this state and describe his feelings in terms ofthe cognitions available
to him.... precisely the same state of physiological arousal could be labeled "joy" or
"fury" or "jealousy" (Schachter and Singer 1962: 381). Their research has since become
famous but also subject to criticism.30
Despite its problematical scientific status, the theory ofSchachter and Singer provides clues as to how the emotion process works during acting. It is especially valid for
the actor who has the feeling that he is experiencing the emotions of his character or
imagines that he is. The presence of an audience operates as the inducing factor; it
replaces the adrenaline shot in the experiment)' The actor subsequently looks for an explanation for this arousal either in his direct surroundings, or in the dramatic situation.
In other words, the surroundings of the character selVe as the interpretation context,
which may cause the actor to attribute the portrayed character-emotions to himself.
The so-called excitation-transfer-effect provides another relevant comparison. Because physiological arousal lingers in the body as an effect of previous exertion (running, for example) emotions emerge more quickly when something (a stimulus) elicits
the emotion. Theoretically, the threshold for becoming 'inflamed' with emotion would
be lowered as a resu[tofresidual physical exciternent.3 z This is analogous to a lowered
threshold for illness with lowered resistance. In the excitation-transfer theory a person
would be highly irritable (as a result of illness, lack ofsleep, or exhaustion) and therefore be more susceptible to the effect of sentimental films, for example. It is conceivable that the actor's threshold could be lowered by the arousal-heightening effect of
audiences, for example, and that this could make him more susceptible to 'infection'
with character-emotions.
In recent research of a completely different nature - stress research - physiological
activation is considered as an indicator for mental exertion. This further complicates
the interpretation ofphysiological data. Even with advanced techniques it is not possi~
ble to make a distinction between physiological activation as a result of emotional or
non-emotional (mental) exertion.H This is, coincidentally, in line with the cognitive
theory ofemotions, in which mental activity and emotion are indivisible. Physiological
99

changes are therefore not automatically a valid indicator for the type of emotion, but
they do appear to be useful in measuring the intensity. In particular, intense emotions
and strong action tendencies will be accompanied by physiological activation and
therefore signal that there is indeed something going on - something which is ofimportance to the person)4
Although the physiological emotion theories have their limitations from a theoretical point of view, this drawback plays almost no part in the 'common sense' notions
about how emotions feel. Feedback of physiological change seems to be an important
indicator for rest subjects to determine the presence of emotion. In Shield's research,
test subjects were asked how they judged whether or not they were experiencing emotion. Interviews showed that this judgment rested on the presence of one or another
diffuse form ofarousal as well as the nature of the cognitive state, thoughts, fantasies,
memories, surroundings, and so forth. In reference to the physiological phenomena,
Sartre points out that such activation is proof 'that the emotion is a serious matter.
They are signs ofconviction' (1971: WI), which one cannot distinguish from the behavior. However, the aforementioned studies made it clear that physiological phenomena
can also accompany non-emotional states, like physical exertion, illness, chemical
substances, and thought processes.
The results ofthe research cited on the effect ofimitating emotional expressions bring
me to the following conclusion: The feeling of experiencing the character-emotions
oneselfwill mainly occur with actors who use an involvement method. When someone
conveys an emotional expression with conviction, this generates a certain amount of
physiological reaction. Furthermore, the behavior which accompanies the emotional
representation indicares an intention ofengaging in a particular relationship with the
surroundings; the so-called relational activity (5.6). This relational activity is linked
with an action tendency, in broad terms with the impulse to approach or to avoid. Thus,
through impersonation, the feeling of an impulse can be evoked and this will also
be supported by physiological changes. The feeling that accompanies an emotion portrayed with conviction can in this way seem (to an actor) deceptively like the feeling ofa
spontaneous, real emotion. A real emotion is accompanied by the sensed control
precedence ofan action tendency; an impulse to take action. The imitation ofan emotional expression is accompanied by the sensed physiological changes and the invocation of an association with an action tendency. Hereby the actor experiences considerable arousal of the task-emotions, elicited by the acring situation. Presumably all in
experienced actors would be prey to such 'confusion', and more seasoned professionals would be able to distinguish their impersonation from their imagination.
The imitated emotional expression (the portrayed character-emotion) can via different routes lead to the semblance ofa real emotion. What is missing is an actual appeal
to concerns, as well as the inevitability ofthe dramatic situation (and with it the necessity to act based on an actual action tendency), and actual consequences of the 'emotion' for the actor, as asserted in section 5.5. Furthermore, the object ofthe ostensible
emotion is probably different from that ofa comparable real emotion. The object ofthe
ostensible emotion, like that ofa character, lies in the dramatic situation or in a corre'00

IMAGINATION AN D IMPERSONATION

sponding imagined situation. For the actor, the object of emotion during acting will,
on the other hand, lie in the task situation; in playing the intended character-emotions
and in winning over and/or manipulating the audience. The above does explain why
many authors solve the actor's dilemma by assuming that actors have a double consciousness.

S.8

Double Consciousness During Acting

The feeling of becoming involved with often fierce character-emotions and being in
control of them simultaneously was described in chapter 3 as double consciousness.
Based on the previous section, one conclusion is that the emotion process during acting
contains at least four aspects which could lead to the notion ofa double consciousness
in the actor. Firstly, the actor has physiological reactions which create the sensation of
emotion. These physiological phenomena give cause to seeking their explanation in the
surroundings. The dramatic situation provides a 'willing' context.
Secondly, when the actor involves himselfas much as possible in the character or the
character-emotion, the fate ofthe character becomes part ofthe emotion process in the
actor (5.3.1). In this sense, one may speak of double consciousness with [he involvement method: Consciousness ofthe emotional meaning ofthe task situation as well as
the emotional meaning of the dramatic situation. Some components of the emotion
process have similar values in both situations; this became clear in section 504Thirdly, there is a perception ofbeing removed from oneself, watching oneself act.
The actor does know that he is not the character, but he does act like the character.
The sensation ofthe difference between the feeling and the emotion is seen (in psychological research) to be a feature of double or divided consciousness. This double consciousness is sometimes also called depersonalization. The researcher Fewtrell describes depersonalization as a state in which one sees oneselfacting and feels this as
though from a distance, which is accompanied by the feeling that the situation is unreal. One often hears such statements from actors, and I also came across them in acting theories about double consciousness in actors (chapter 3). The theater scholar Fink
talks of how an actor can experience feelings of depersonalization while acting. He
refers to remarks by Stanislavsky and Chekhov: 'Stanislavski's description of the depersonalization experienced on stage is similar to examples of depersonalization
drawn from the psychological research' (Fink [980: 24).
Because the actor behaves as though he is the character and shapes his task emotions to fit, he will experience the discrepancy between feeling and behavior shown in
the performance, which is characteristic ofdepersonalization. The ability to regulate or
transform emotions is, incidentally, a capacity which all people have. Itis a component
of the emotion process, even though people are often not conscious of this and have
difficulty describing iUs Likewise, Kihlstrom describes the sensation of double consciousness as the sense of dividing atrention between various tasks: 'Attention is a
resource that can be divided according to prevailing task demands (which is what the
concept ofdouble consciousness is all about)' (Kihlstrom 1985: 406). Paying attention,
or 'existing in' the real world and the dramatic world at the same time is a central feature ofthe acting situation.

".

The fourth and final aspect is that the actor executes behavior which has become more
or less automatic. The behavior ofthe character has first been shaped around an imaginary model and is then studied and made repeatable, without jeopardizing the believability ofthe expression. In as much as the actor has made the character's behavior his
own, in effect becoming 'second nature', we may speak of automatic behavior in respect to the character to be played. In other words, the (literal) execution ofthe role in
itself has become a routine activity and can be done by the actor on 'automatic pilot'.
Automatic behavior is another conspicuous feature of depersonalization or double
consciousness in psychological research. The sensation that the role is playing itself,
as it were (compare with the 'flow' experience; 4.6.2), goes along with the feeling ofthe
'hidden observer' in depersonalization, or the feeling ofwatching oneself.3 6
This automatic character behavior is to the actor's advantage during performance.
Because of it, his attention is freed for other aspects of the situation, like unexpected
turns, interaction, taking cues, connecting to the audience, and fine tuning ofthe role.
Commanding responses and transforming them becomes considerably easier if they
are familiar, well rehearsed responses)? When the design of character-emotions
becomes automatic, the actor is better able to shape or transform the spontaneous
emotions of the task situation. Thus, a bridge seems to have been built between some
central problems in acting: A link between required repeatability and the illusion of
spontaneity. In the end, the acting theories discussed here all demand the illusion of
spontaneity to be combined with a repeatable form and discipline (3.6).

5.9

Summary

I have made a connection between acting tasks (chapter 3) and aspects of the emotion
process of general human emotions (chapter 4). The construction of character-emotions in drama generally contains the most important information about concerns and
about aspects of the situation, which can give rise to emotions. Thus imagined emotions can be attributed to characters. Involving oneself in character-emotions is however ofa different order for actors than it is for audiences. As far as one speaks of involvement, a process ofldentification is indicated when the relationship between actor
and character is discussed, whereas a process ofempathy seems more appropriate with
audience members. Even ifan actor evokes an emotion which is like the depicted character-emotion, the task situation during a live performance will still prevent the imagined emotion in that actor from eHciting a comparable real emotion ofhis own. Evoking emotions in the actor similar to character-emotions seems to be unnecessary, also
for other reasons. Audiences often recognize deliberately posed emotions better than
spontaneous emotions and generally do not pay attention to the right cues relevant to
determine whether they observe real emotions. To determine jfthere is an emotion,
and ifso which one, information on the context in which the emotion arises is in most
cases crucial. This information allows the actor the freedom and the space to actually
play character-emotions.
Generally speaking, physiological changes seem to be indicators which help people
judge whether or not they are experiencing emotion. Imagining an emotional expression in and ofitselfseems to set offsomething in the physiological system, but it is not

'0'

I MAG I NATION AN D IMPERSONATION

yet clear exactly how this process works. Mimicking or imitating an emotional expression can give someone the feelings of experiencing the emotion itself. Together with
physiological reactions linked to task-emotions, this can contribute to the illusion of
spontaneity, for the actor as well as the spectator. When in addition the actor adheres to
an involvement strategy, this could convince him of the authenticity or spontaneity of
his acted or imagined 'emotions': The sensations resulting from auto-arousal (which
may only resemble real emotions). In particular, a far-reaching degree ofinvolvement
can be considered as a twofold meaning in the situation (a twofold situational meaning
structure, using Frijda's terms). This is a second aspect in the emotion process during
acting, next to the physiological aspects, which might have contributed to 'solving' the
actor's dilemma, in acting theories, with a so-called double consciousness. The third
and fourth aspects are revealed by psychological studies as the sensation of'the difference between feeling and behavior' and that 'automatic' behavior is characteristic of
double (or plural) states of consciousness. Making the impersonation of characteremotions automatic allows the actor to free his attention for other issues relating to
accomplishing the acting tasks.
From t~eory to practice - The current interpretation of the Paradoxe sur le Comedien seems,
up to this point, to be in line with a psychological approach to acting. But there is
something missing, namely the fact that the actor also has task emotions. From a psychological point ofview, one can no longer ignore the fact that represented characteremotions are no real emotions. Character-emotions are reflections of certain kinds of
behavior, with which the actor tempts or challenges the audience to interpret this
behavior as pointing to the emotions ofthe character. In that sense, I presume on theoretical grounds, actors do not have emotions during the performance, but they do have
emotions as far as these concern the task situation. It seems that a new 'solvable' paradox has been created: The illusion of spontaneity is an illusion to the extent that character-emotions are involved, but not an illusion to the extent that the transformation or
shaping oftask-emotions is concerned. Moreover, the idea that the task emotions contribute to this 'illusion ofspontaneity' has now become plausible. In the next chapters,
it will be seen whether the results of field research on actors in theater practice (empirical studies) support the theoretical presumptions outlined thus far. In the following,
the psychological approach to acting as discussed in the foregoing chapters -like the
concepts ofacting tasks in acting emotions, the specific emotion process during acting, and experiencing task emotions - will be referred to with the abbreviated name
'task-emotion theory'.

'"

6

Actors in Practice
Avariable in a study is like a character in a play.
HARRIE VORST (December 11, '990)

6.1

Introduction: From Theory to Practice

In this chapter I will make the transition from theoretical considerations to practical
field research. To increase our understanding ofacting, it is important to find support
for theoretical insights about the acting of emotions in the acting profession. Field
research (on emotion) with actors is still in the developmental stage; relatively little re~
search has thus far been conducted. The research which has been published is difficult
to find, poorly documented, and very sporadic. Nonetheless, I will provide an overview
here. For my study it was important to review work that had already been done in this
area, to see if any parallels could be found. Certainly I was interested in the results of
this type offield study. Furthermore, I wanted to interpret the importance ofthe results
in light ofmy theory outlined in the previous chapters. Section 6.2 will discuss research
on the following subjects~ Identification of actors with their characters; excitement
during acting; personality traits and performance; and research on acting methods and
training.
The existent literature usually takes a narrow approach to the comparison between
actors' emotions and the portrayed character-emotions. This narrow focus is also true
ofthe field research conducted to date. In general, only one category ofemotions is considered: The emotions which (do or do not) coincide with emotions similar to the character's as approached from the enactment level of the character. Those emotions and
feelings - such as tension, satisfaction, or challenge -linked to executing acting tasks
scarcely receive any attention. I think it is important to let actors themselves talk about
their experiences and the way they develop their characters. Hence the decision to develop a questionnaire and conduct a field study with professional actors (6.3). The hypotheses and assumptions I wanted to study are presented in section 6.4. The choices
for this type of research as well as the considerations made in choosing the research
population, developing the questionnaire, and the way the field study was conducted
will also be discussed in subsequent sections.

6.2

Overview of Field Studies with Actors

In the following inventory of research on acting practices, the emphasis lies on reports
which, in one way or another, relate to the emotions of actors in relation to performing
their roles. Research in this area can be divided into four categories: (r) Research on the

'0'

AOORS IN PRACTICE

degree to which actors identitY with their characters; (2) research on the excitement
involved with acting and how actors deal with it; (3) research on actors' personality traits,
and (4) research on acting methods and training including the interaction between directors and actors. Each category will be discussed separately in the following sections.

6.2.1

Identification of Actors with their Characters The majority of the studies

which are relevant to this study investigate the subject ofthe actors' identification with
their characters. Although these studies have identical topics, the research methods
differ. The studies will therefore be grouped according to the method used.

Questionnaires on identijication. Over a century ago, the question of whether the actor
himself should •really' have the emotions of the character he portrays led Archer and
Binet to conduct their research among professional actors. Their questionnaires were
prompted by the revived controversy about the validity ofDiderot's paradox, main Iy between the theater critics Coquelin and Irving (chapter 2). As far as I know, Archer was
the first to envision a systematic inquiry of Diderot's Paradoxe sur le Comedicn. Archer
sent a questionnaire containing fifteen open questions about acting out a character's
emotions to a great number ofprimarily British leading actors and actresses. The q uestions all concerned phenomena which supposedly indicated the presence ofemotion:
Tears, sweat, blushing, and turning pale. Based on the actors ' responses, supplemented by a number of(auto) biographies, Archer concluded that actors really do experience
the emotions of their characters on a wide scale. because they reported shedding real
tears, blushing, turning pale, and so forth. According to Archer, these symptoms indicated the actual experience of a character's emotion. His proposed explanation was
that the actor becomes emotionally infected by the character, because he experiences
sympathy for the character (Archer 1888).
Archer presented the results in a descriptive, almost anecdotal manner; without any
quantitative data. He mentioned that there were ' many' responses; I have tried to trace
the number more precisely, and suspect there were about seventy in all. However, this
deduction cannot be conclusive as Archer employed some additional (auto)biographi~
cal materials ofdeceased actors. Further, this inquiry was not anonymous and the sub~
jects were aware that the results were to be published. Therefore, a critique ofArcher's
research would propose that his results are more likely to indicate how actors ofthe day
thought they should feel when they performed, rather than providing a representative
reflection ofwhat actually went on concerning emotions on stage. I
Independently ofArcher, Binet surveyed nine famous French actors in r8g6. According to Binet, these actors unanimously asserred that Diderot's stance in Paradoxe was
dead wrong. Binet interpreted their responses as follows: By impersonating an emotion, it takes possession ofthe actor. 2 Binet explained this 'possession' by assuming a
double consciousness in the actor. In his view, a portion of consciousness was sub~
sumed by an emotion, a real emotion that coincided with the emotion ofthe character.
A separate portion of consciousness kept the emotion under controL According to
Binet this special portion also accounted for the distinction between stage emotions
and emotions in daily life.
105

Both Archer's and Binet's studies depart from the emotions as they are portrayed as
character without taking into account what other sorts of emotion the actor might
have. Their point of departure is fundamentally different from my point of departure
as delineated in the previous chapters. The actor himselfactually disappears from view
in their studies, and with him, the art of acting. General criticism of these studies
includes, among other aspects, that the question of authenticity of emotions in the
actor is not clearly separated from the question ofthe relationship between actor-emotions and character-emotions.
More recent research on the identification of actors with their characters, using
questionnaires, has been conducted by Hammond and Edelman, Kepke, and Wayne~
Smith. They defined identification as unity or similarity between the character and the
actor. The researchers established this presumed similarity by comparing the selfimage (self~perception) of the actors with the image they have of their characters. In
general, the actor's self-image was not found to be similar to the actor's image of the
character. Kepke studied the degree ofsimilarity between the image three professional
actors had formed oftheir character's and their self-image (using Tennessee Williams
A Streetcar Named Desire). These were measured at different points in the rehearsal
process using a structured questionnaire. The expectation was that the degree ofsimilaritywould increase as rhe rehearsal process progressed. The self-image ofthe actress
however, did not at any point overlap with the character of Blanche. With the other
actor and actress there was only a very slight degree of similarity in the perception of
themselves with the character of Stanley and Stella. The changes measured as the
rehearsal process progressed did not show an increased degree of similarity. Kepke,
incidentally, had not intended to study identification, but according to Wayne-Smith,
resemblance between the perception ofoneselfand the character could be interpreted
as identification. According to Wayne-Smith's interpretation, Kepke failed to find
identification.
Wayne-Smith himselfstudied identification with characters using twelve actors in a
student theatet company. He concluded that there was no identification ofactors with
their characters, but that there was a tendency to 'superimpose' the role on themselves.
In another study, Schalzky also failed to establish similarity between the actors' selfimage and their image ofthe character. According to Schalzky, the discrepancies found
between the actors' self-image in tests before and after the performance were mainly
related to the emotional aspects linked with the performing profession, and not with
having to play, or just having played, the character) In their research on identification,
Hammond and Edelman studied two professional actors at various moments in the
course ofover a year. They found an increasing degree of similarity between the actor
and character in one actor, and none in the other.
Mossman's study of the degree to which students adapted their attitudes to the
opinions of the character they portrayed can be viewed as an extension of the above
studies on identification. Various students were asked to play a role which wentagainst
their own points ofview. They were promised payment and were assured that no one
would confuse the character in the pretend situation with the student involved. The
study showed that the more the students' role play was 'justified' by financial compen,,6

ACTORS IN PRACTICE

sation, the less the students adapted their attitudes to the characters' attitudes. One
could consider 'conforming to the role' in Mossman's theo!]' as the role-player's own
way ofjustirying playing the role. This study apparently concerned roles people play in
daily life. In my view, a professional actor needs no other justification than that it is his
profession to play roles, whether or not his attitudes are similar to the character's. However, the research results are relevant in that attitudes are apparently not adapted to the
role when there is external justification or permission.
Physiolo,gy and identification. Bloch also conducted research on the identification of actors with their characters. Her study focussed on a psychophysiological acting method
she had developed herself. Bloch not only concluded that the experience ofan emotion
could be elicited by impersonating the external features of the emotion, but also that
this experience could be avoided (which she considered preferable for actors). She
called her remedy the 'step-out procedure': The moment the actor feels an emotion
welling up he must regain control through deep breathing. This research was based on
the outmoded idea that physiological sensation was identical with the emotion itself
(the peripheral feedback theo!]'). Apart from being based on an outdated premise, the
study failed to consider that physiological phenomena measured in actors might be
related to things other than the presumed arousal of character related emotions. For
example, Boiten's recent studies on emotion demonstrated that the effort it takes to
evoke certain emotional expressions varies per emotion. He also thought that this effort influenced measurable physiological phenomena: Deep breathing in particular
could in turn influence other reactions such as the heartbeat and blood pressure.
SIoman hypothesized that it would be difficult for actors ra completely conceal their
own feelings behind their role. Personal feelings would become visible in micro-momenta!]' facial expressions (MMEs): Tiny facial ticks. During performances, many more
MMEs were measured than during rehearsal or at home during a relaxed conversation.
The increase ofMMEs during performance was, according to Sloman, predominantly
an expression of taking pleasure in the success of performance. Sloman did not draw
any conclusion about a possible connection with impersonating the emotions of a
character, and he only studied a single actor.
To test Diderot's Paradoxe, ViJIiers measured physiological reactions (pulse rate,
leukocytes and blood pressure) in tvve[ve professional actors. He did this before and
during the performance. He thought this method would establish whether an acrar
identified with his character. Villiers found an increased level of excitement in actors
prior to, during the intermission, and after playing in a performance, but no increase
during the performance itself. He then concluded thar there was no correlation between
the actor's excitement and the acted emotions ofcharacters. He did not report anything
about the characters or the acting. VilIiers saw the results as supporting Diderot's antiinvolvement viewpoint; he also questioned the notion of double consciousness in
actors.4 Villiers further concluded that the results supported his idea that there was no
such thing as 'stage fright', but rather a constant form of tension which he entitled 'Ies
sentiments sceniques'. This effect was marked by heightened physiological reactions (activation) not only before but between and after performing scenes as well. Villiers' inter"7

pretation is very much in line with my own: Increased excitement in the actor is not so
much associated with the portrayed character-emotions as with acting per se. Villiers, in
passing, suggested that actors might exploit this tension to supply the technical presentation oftheir role with the warmth ofauthentic emotions (1942: 152).
Of the studies discussed, those ofSchalzky, Sloman, and Villiers appear to lend some
support to the psychological approach to acting developed in my study. 5 Each came to
the conclusion that the actor's emotional state during or after a performance was not
so much determined by the emotional condition ofthe impersonated character, but by
the degree to which the actor had succeeded in his aims. The relationship between the
emotions of the actor himself and those of the character during performance was not
always presented clearly in the studies discussed. At any rate, these components were
not measured within the same study. Schalzky talked about the actor's emotional state
after the performance; S10man limited himself to registering indications for emotions
other than those of the characters portrayed; and VilIiers concluded from his results
that the actor's physiological activation did not coincide with the impersonated character-emotions. although he did not study the latter.
The results of these studies cannot indisputably be seen as a refutation of the involvement hypothesis , nor can they be seen as supporting it (for professional actors).
For the time being, I conclude that these field studies in theater practice do not lead to
the conclusion that actors identifY with their characters (in the sense that the actor's
emotions are similar to the presumed emotions of the character). All three of these
aforementioned studies consider the emotions of the actors themselves, apart from
those of their characters. I deem these emotions to he task-emotions. The tension
actors experience during stage performance has been studied recently with more modern research techniques. This will he discussed in the next section.

6.2.2 Excitement During Acting Research on the amount of tension, stress, excitement, and anxiety present in actors while acting has been conducted from various
angles by Jackson and Latane, Primer and Lamb, Weisweiler, and myself. Such research is relevant and important because it acknowledges the emotions of the actors
themselves, regardless ofthe specific impersonations ofcharacter-emotions.
Jackson and Latane studied a number ofactors in student acting groups during a talent search on campus. They used a short questionnaire to measure tension, that is, they
just asked how nervous subjects felt. They discovered that tension in the student actors
increased proportionately given the number ofaudience members and the audience's
expertise. Tension decreased when there were more fellow actors present in the performance; the assumed quality of the co-actors had no influence on the tension felt.
Through a simple questionnaire, Primer and Lamb found an increasing level ofexcitemellt among theater school students in the time period prior to an audition which
peaked just after the audition.
Weisweiler and I, separately, conducted independenr studies using physiological
data (such as heart rate) in Munich (South Germany) and Groningen (North Netherlands), respectively. Tests were done both during rehearsals and during public perfor108

ACTORS IN f'>RACTICE

mances. Both studies found that changes in physiological activity in the actor did not
reflect the portrayal of character-emotions, but were linked with aspects of the task
performance, like' having to go on'. Weisweiler found a faster heart beat and a higher
secretion ofcatecholamines (a hormone) during performances than during rehearsals.
Additionally, during monologues the physiological reactions were stronger than during dialogues. She concluded that the job ofacting involved a great deal of pressure.
She found no correspondence with the portrayed emotions. The heartbeat was measured with modern apparatuses, but the data was assimilated 'manually': Srudents
counted each ofthe separately measured heart rates and carried out analyses on them. 6
Likewise, I found a considerable increase in the heart rate and the subjective experience of stress in amateur acwrs by comparing rehearsals, a mid-term 'check up' and
performances. The pattern of heart rate was the same during rehearsals and performances: Peaking when they appeared onstage and dropping to low levels when the
actor exited the stage (average levels being much higher during performances, see figure in section 4.8). During monologues the heart rate reached extremes of 180 beats
per minute. By comparison, a person at rest has an average pulse of 60 beats per minute
and a parachute jumper's pulse reaches 140 beats per minute just prior to jumping. The
continuous monitoring of the actors' heart rates made it possible to draw parallels
between video-takes of rehearsals and performances. The changes in heart beats per
minute did not seem to be linked with a specific portrayal of character-emotions.
Moreover, experienced judges rated the quality ofthe acting to be superior during the
exciting (for the actors) performances than during the rehearsals. This is an indication
that tension has a positive effect on acting,7
For my purposes it is important that the research cited has its starting point in the
work of the actor, and not in the character-emotions. The researchers named in this
section link the tension actors experience with the acting itself. This makes it possible
to see the tension measured as an indication ofthe presence oftask~emotions.
6.2.3
Personality Traits and Performance Analysis of different personality traits
in actors is central to the work ofthe following researchers: Clevinger and Powers, Col~
lum, Csikszentmihalyi and Getzels, Hammond and Edelman, Koenig and Seamon,
Natadze and Powers, Jams and Glenn. These studies will be handled in general terms
as it will quickly become clear that they have no direct bearing on this study.
Clevinger and Powers, Koenig and Seamon, and Powers, Jorns and Glenn exclusively studied the relationship between cognitive complexity as a personality trait, and the
quality of acting achievements. They defined cognitive complexity as the degree to
which someone is capable ofhaving a subtle and shaded perception ofanother person.
A high level of cognitive complexity was demonstrated by perceiving a high degree of
nuances in the image of the other, who in this case was a character. According to
Koenig and Seamon , someone with a higher level of cognitive complexity would be
more precise in predicting the behavior of another person. Their explanation for this
was tha t people with high cognitive complexity would project their own responses onto
others to a lesser degree. They could easily put themselves into another person's
shoes. 8 A high degree of cognitive complexity would therefore improve the quality of
1°9

acting, according to Koenig and Seaman. They themselves however found no connection whatsoever between cognitive complexity and the quality of acting and drew no
further conclusions. Clevinger and Powers, and before them Powers, Jams and Glenn,
did find a positive correlation between cognitive complexity and the quality of acting.
Actors with a higher cognitive complexity, as was predicted, were able to act better.
However, by what measure this 'quality' was judged remains unclear. Clevinger and
Powers did not mention the matter; Powers, Jams and Glenn made only vague references to 'expert opinions'.
Clevinger and Tolch showed a greater concern for more objective or reliable measures ofquality in performance, as did Richardson and Waal. To maximize the reliabil·
ity of quality measurements, they developed a questionnaire in which seventeen aspects ofacting were judged separately. Independent ofthe rest, Peckey also researched
qualitative judgments of performances. They 'manipulated' the audience by 'seeding'
it with assistants who either applauded enthusiastically or not. To measure the different reactions of actors, they developed a quality-rating list. The results show that a
'positive' audience had a positive effect on the acting achievement. The questionnaire
was translated and adapted for use with (amateur) actors in the Netherlands.9
Other studies ofthe personality traits ofactors have tried to find features peculiar to
actors , or features that might be less prominent in amateur or non-actors. The results
ofthese studies can be generally summed up as follows: Firstly, actors (including amateurs, students, and professionals) were shown to be more empathetic than nonactors, but their social insight was no greater. IO Secondly, actors were less afraid and
shy, more socialized, more sensitive to expressive behavior in others, and more selfassured than non-actors, which might or might not be a result of their experience or
training as actors. 11 Thirdly, the (factual) perceptions of actors seemed to be more
'upset' by their imagination or fantasy than the perceptions of non-actorsY One study
00 personality traits of artists in general was conducted by Csikszentmihalyi and
Getzels. They concluded that artists, as compared to oon~artists, were anti-social, introverted, maladjusted, subjective (imaginative), critical, and independent (autonomous). According to Csikszentmihalyi and Getzels these features were not a result
of experience or education, but were part of the artists' personalities. These findings
seem to disagree with previous conclusions that actors were more social, as discovered
by Hammond and Edelman. The question is whether the sub-category 'actors' can be
compared to the general category 'artists'. Moreover, this type of study needs a theoretical context which would, for example, help clarifY what conclusions can be drawn
from differences in the personality traits ofactors versus non-actors. Without a theoretIcal context, the research seems to be limited to the characteristics ofa single professional group.
6.2·4 Acting Methods and Acting Traini ng Most research on acting methods and
training, as well as that on the communication between directors and actors, looks at
the effects ofa particular aspect oftraining (for example the speed ofmemorizing text).
These are far removed from this study. However, two studies do bear some relationship
to portraying emotions on the stage.
110

ACTORS IN PRACTICE

Stern and Lewis found that method-actors, as compared to non-method-actors, had
a higher degree ofcontrol over their galvanic skin reactions (sweating). The emotional
expressions in the first group were not judged (by three directors) as superior to those
ofthe other group. Stern and Lewis concluded that the results were due to practice, not
creativity.
Wallbott studied the skills ofprofessional actors in conveying emotions to observers
by portraying emotional expressions without providing context information. Differences were found in, among other variables, expressive versus non-expressive actors,
positive versus negative emotions, and between male versus female subjects. Actresses
seemed better at conveying anxiety and despair, while men were better at conveying
anger. Little research has been conducted on the rehearsal process, or different aspects
ofit. A general- and relevant- conclusion ofthe studies mentioned here is that specific acting skills can apparently be trained effectively. I did not find any evidence that a
process ofidentification is required to acquire these skills.

6.3

The Questionnaire Mixed Feelings

Based on the research discussed, 1 concluded that there was apparently no scientific
support in the actual practice of acting for the idea that actors do identifY with their
characters. Likewise, I found no support for the involvement theory in acting; indeed,
support for the detachment theory was more readily found. The results also indicated
that there were emotions at play in actors other than just the character-emotions. The
tension actors feel, for example, seems to relate to their work or rather to executing acting tasks in front ofan audience.
Various factors compelled me to conduct my own research among professional actors. Although there were indications that support for the involvement theory in the
practice of theater was lacking, it still seemed worthwhile to test these indications yet
again, but more precisely and on a larger scale. It seemed worthwhile to study various
categories ofemotions, including the nature of the task-emotions, by more systemati~
cally applying methods and techniques congruent with accepted research on emotions
in the field of psychology. Further, it seemed important to study current theater practice. My aim was to achieve the most representative sample of professional actors possible, instead of a few amateurs or students, as was the case in most earlier studies.
It was also important to base the study on the emotional experiences during actual performances with live audiences; and then perhaps later make comparisons with emotional experiences during rehearsal periods. Finally, it seemed important to pay atten~
tion to the relationship between the actors' emotional experiences and the acting styles
they use. This included studying, for example, the actors' general perceptions about
what their contemporaries believed 'good acting' to be. Presumably this would influence the way actors would answer questions about acting.

6.4

Hypotheses and General Expectations

Generally speaking, the main questions ofthis field srudywith professional actors covered two areas of inquiry. First, the various onstage emotions, with actors as well as
with characters, and second, the acting styles applied. The first major question of the

study was: When actors portray character-emotions, can it be said that the actors themselves have similar emotions? The second major question was: Does the acting style
used (in the performance) have any influence on the degree ofsimilarity between character-emotions and the emotions ofthe actors?
Based on the theoretical considerations in the previous chapters, it was possible to
formulate different expectations for three different views on acting emotions. The
involvement theory, the detachment theOl)', and the task-emotion theory are each distinct in their assertions about the degree ofsimilarity between character-emotions and
actors' emotions during the performance. According to the involvement theory, the
actor himself has the emotions which he impersonates in his character. According to
the detachment theory, the actor himself does not have the emotions he impersonates
in his character. The result in the style ofself-expression is the same as with the involvement theory: The emotions ofactor and character overlap (chapter 3). The style ofselfexpression was therefore nOl included with its own hypothesis in the field study. The
above resulted in two main hypotheses:
1. The portrayed character~emotions coincide with the emotions actors experience
while acting in a performance. When support for this hypothesis is found, it would
support the involvement theory (and to some extent validate the style of se!f~expres­
sion). Ifactors indicate that their emotional experiences onstage had not resembled the
portrayed character-emotions, this would support the detachment theory. A possible
similarity between character-emotions and actors' emotions could be the result of a
specific acting style the actors applied in their performance. Hence the second hypothesis:
2. If actors adhere to a style of involvement, the portrayed character-emotions and
actors' emotions coincide to a relatively greater degree than ifactors adhere to a style of
dcta(hment. The theories ofinvolvement and detachment make no distinction between
different layers of emotions; they are mainly oriented to the enactment level of the
character. These theories are principally concerned with portraying the emotions
which most frequently occur in characters in dramatic situations. Such 'emotions' are
mainly prototypical emotions or basic emotions (chapter 5). With the task-emotion
theory, it is important to distinguish the prototypical emotions from the so-called
task-emotions. Within the task-emotion theory, the expected results for the degree of
similarity between character-emotions and actors' emotions should be different
depending on whether prototypical emotions or task-emotions are measured. According to this theory, actors themselves would not have the character-emotions they
impersonate (prototypical emotions), but would experience task-emotions. Furthermore, if the task~emotion theory is correct, the results for actors using a style of
involvement should be similar to the results ofactors using a detachment style.
Because the task-emotion theory holds that the actors' emotions primarily concern
the acting tasks to be accomplished, it was expected that the actors' emotions prior to
performance would be similar to those during performance. It could be expected that,
in particular, the task-emotions ofthe actors would already be present before the performance and linger after the performance. Moreover, characterizations have not yet
realized before the performance, when one would expect the emotions of the actor-

,n

ACTORS I ~ PRACTICE

craftsman ro be in the foreground. The impersonated character-emotions should have
no connection with the emotions the actors indicated prior to the performance.
Subsequently, a consistent application of the general emotion theory (chapter 4)
prompts an inquiry concerning the relationship between onstage emotions and action
tendencies or physical reactions. A defining feature ofan emotion is the action tendency or impulse, and an emotion is often accompanied by physical agitation. According
to the involvement theory, character-tendencies and action tendencies in actors should
then overlap with each other. According to the detachment theory and the task-emotion
theory they will not. The task-emotion theory proposes that the 'action tendencies' in
characters occupy a special place and differ somewhat from these impulses in general
human behavior. Whereas in normal life, negative emotions tend to result in avoidance
behavior, in a character portrayal, negative prototypical character-emotions are associated with character-tendencies leading to approach behavior. Moreover, the actors'
action tendencies leading to approach behavior - associated with positive emotionsare an extension of the character-tendencies leading to approach hehavior, and vice
versa (5.4). With respect to onstage emotions it would then be true, based on the taskemotion theory, that positive emotions in actors will be accompanied by physiological
activation, usually reflected in 'excited' physical reactions.
Concerning the second main question, I not only considered which of the acting
styles was actually applied in a specific performance, but also which view was generally preferred or accepted as the norm in contemporary practice among professional
actors; how do professional actors generally think one 'should' act and how does this
general opinion relate to the acting style they use themselves. Finally, a few assumptions arose in the previous chapter for which I could not yet formulate explicit hypotheses. These included the general assumption that the acting style during performances
would differ from the acting style during rehearsals. Further, I also aimed to gather
information about applying certain emotions to support believability in acting and to
achieve a certain (emotional) response from the audience.

I,

Two preconditions needed to be met to research the above questions. The first condition was that the roles studied have emotional content. Here it was important that the
response included answers for different sorts ofemotions, i.e., anger as well as tenderness. To assess whether the emotions that actors attributed to their characters actually
were the emotions they intended to portray in performance, the next question was: Do
the emotions portrayed in characters during performance match the intended emotions? It could be expected that professional actors succeed in playing their characters
as planned and that they would indicate several prototypical emotions, which match
the character-emotions they impersonated in performance. A second condition was
that the actors participating in this study be professionals. In addition, it was necessary
to check whether answers were systematically influenced by specific demographic features (sex, age, years of experience, etc.) or specific performance situations (had the
house been full ornot).

nl

In summary, the theoretical assumptions about emotions in actors and characters discussed here are based on three different views on accing: The involvement theory
(which includes the self-expression theory), the detachment theory, and the task-emotion theory. There are four 'entities' to be compared: The emotions intended in the
scene; the character-emotions impersonated in performance; the emotions of actors
while acting; and the emotions of actors prior to the performance. The emocions can
be of two categories: The prototypical emotions and the task-emotions; each category
can contain both 'positive' and 'negative' emotions (see 6.7). Finally, emotions can be
expressed in action tendencies and eventually in physiological sensations.
The results of the field study will be discussed in chapter seven. The next sections
will discuss how the questions were designed to get the desired answers and how the
hypotheses were tested.

6.S

Research Method

A questionnaire sent by mail was chosen to meet the aims of this inquiry. This choice
was based on several factors pertaining to the subject of this research (6.5 .1) and the
research population (6 .5.2). The research was in part a test of theories and in part
exploratory, while the subject can be termed ' difficult to study'. Considering these
factors, a personal incerview would be the preferred method for gathering information .14 However, there were other factors to consider, such as the difficulty in reaching
the research population, the scarcity of financial and human resources and anticipation of a low respon se. The lack of resources would not have permitted a responsible
use of individual interviews: Structuring such a process and organizing the resulting
data for statistical analysis would have been too time-consuming and costly. Using a
questionnaire sent by mail also had some advantages for this study; these will be explained below. In the Netherlands, the survey was taken in 1991 and in the United
States in 1995.
6.5.1
Difficulty of the Subject Matter The difficulty ofthis study was due to various factors . The most important include: I) The inability to establish the presence of
emotions unambiguously and reliably, 2} recently altered views and developments in
the field of emotion research l5 , 3) the relative paucity of field studies among actors,
and 4) the lack of suitable methods or questionnaires for measuring aspects of acting.
Moreover, che difficulty was increased because
information proved difficult CO access. In genWhjl~ I appr~tiate Ihe effor1 in C'OII~cling thii data, I
eral, people are not accustomed to reporting
fail to Sft how an objecliv~ survey lib this un provide
their feelings and emotions; they find this diffitrue insighlS into the creative proc:eu ohn actor/artist.
cult. Perhaps, it might have been an advantage
Many questions cannot be answered by multiple choice,
but need dmiled, subjective re.sponses since
that actors are relatively more accustomed to
creativity/acting-moments
are incredibly complelud
analyzing human behavior and emotion than
not
subject
to
pinning
down
like a aptured butterfly.
average respondenrs.
They ue fluting, layered, highly transitory - wrapped up
Having insight ineo, being conscious of, and
in the wholeness of one's being. Good luck'
being able eo report details of one's work pro(An American actor's reaction to the questionnaire)
cess is also not a daily activity. Some of this

ACTORS IN PRACTICE

unfamiliarity could . in part, be overcome by the way information was elicited from
res pondents. This had to be unambiguous. [6 It would be even more difficult to discinguish different layers offeeling or 'entities' and momentary sensations within a single
person , as needed for this study. After all, the goal was to gain insight into the personal
emotions of professional actors before, during, and after the performance, as well as
into their character-emotions.
6.5. 2 Composition of the Research Population The questionnaire was directed
toward professional actors; the Dutch (and Flemish) language population and American stage professionals. The size of the total actor-population is not known in the
Netherlands. One way to create a good sub-population is by establishing criteria. I?
Criterion for the target population. The proposed criterion was that the actor be active
professionally. This could be established in advance by, among other things , seeing if
an actor was employed by a professional company, was a member of a professional
union or was registered as an actor in the Ytllow Pages. 18 Then, it was stipulated that an
actor needed to have at least three years ofprofessional experience. This was included
as a control question. Professional experience was described in the questionnaire as
the number of years an actor had earned a living through professional acting (or his
main activities were directed at that).19
Address databases and quantities. The yearbook of the trade magazine Toneel Tht'atTaal
199 0 included a list oftheater, dance, mime, and other companies in the Netherlands
and Flanders who presented productions in the 1989-1990 season. The 'theater' cate~
gory was selected from this list, with the exception of 'amusement' , 'cabaret' , etc.
Next, an expert (from the professional trade union FNV Kunstenbond, actors ' section)
helped suggest which companies on the list should be included in this research (i.e. ,
which companies had a certain level ofprofessionality and recognition). This resulted
in 42 companies incorporating a total of 404 actors. They included companies in the
Netherlands and Belgium, such as Toneelgroep Amsterdam, Het Nationale Toned ,
Koninklijke Vlaamse Schouwburg, and Kaaitheater.
Afterwards actors and actresses were selected in the same way from the membership list of the trade organization and the Yellow Pages. This was to insure that professional actors who were not currently employed would also be included. Double listings
with company address lists were carefully avoided. This round resulted in locating
another 122 actors and actresses at their private addresses. All in all, the target group in
the Netherlands (and Flanders) included 526 individuals. This does not suggest that
the entire population ofprofessionaJ actors was covered ; that number is an unknown
quantity and undoubtedly much larger. However, it can be said that the utmost was
done to achieve the best possible representation for the target group.
The size of the professional acting population in America is more or less a known
quantity; in this regard the situation there was much simpler. The address base of the
actors' organization Actors' Equity covers about 95% ofthe professional (stage) actors in
the entire United States (over 35 ,000) . Most ofthis union's members are stage actors,
and to a lesser degree, film actors, who are (also) members ofanother union. 20 Actors'
Equity has strict membership requirements, induding evidence ofa number ofyears of

paid, professional experience. Actors must audition for membership or be offered a
union contract by a producer or professional theater. Without membership in this
union it is almost impossible to get work in professional theaters. The questionnaire
was mailed to a random sample of 2000 addresses drawn from the membership list of
Actors' Equity. The union made an exception to their usual practice and provided me with
the private addresses of (the agents of) the actors (including for example Al Pacino,
locelyn Brando, Morgan Freeman, and KathJeen Turner) solely to conduct this research. Actors' Equity expected that the readiness ofmembers to complete and return the
questionnaire would be extremely low, so they also placed an appeal to participate in
the study in their member magazine.

6.6

From Theory to Questionnaire

The data gathered from the questionnaire had to provide information covering different areas and levels. Given the aim of the inquiry, the information had to concern acting emotions onstage in a role (as a character) during a live performance. Linking the
questions to a recent role seemed the most appropriate and also provided respondents
with a concrete focus to base their answers on. Asking questions about the memory of
an emotional event is moreover a common method in emotion research.H To insure
that the responses ofdifferent actors would be comparable with one another, the questionnaire contained guidelines about the conditions the remembered scene needed to
meet.
The research questions required that information regarding onstage emotions
would be obtained from different angles; for instance, information about the types of
emotions such as sadness or love on the one hand, and information about emotions
related to various levels ofenactment on the other. The latter involved asking about (I)
which emotions were intended to be portrayed in the role (on the enactment level ofthe
inner model; section 2.4), (2) which emotions were realized as the character during
performance and which ones the actor experienced, including (3) just prior to start of
the performance as well as (4) during and (5) immediately after the performance. It was
important to be able to check the answers about the impersonated character-emotions
afteIWards with the emotions intended in the scene; it is conceivable that the intended
emotions were not actually conveyed in the scene. In other words, this was a check to
see whether the emotions intended to be played would match the emotions attributed
to the character in the performance, as planned. A comparison of the actor's emotions
durinn and immediately bqore the performance provides information about the nature of
task-emotions. Questions about emotions immediately after the performance were included for additional information: To what extent do the emotions relate to the character-emotions just played or to the emotions ofthe actor himself. This relates to the fact
that authentic emotions linger longer than feigned emotions.
An emotion was measured on two levels: (r) A subjective judgment of the de,gree to
which a specific named emotion had occurred, its intensity; and (2) a subjective judgment about the degree to which a specific action tendency had occurred or the sensed
or acted impulse to take action. The actor was also asked to indicate which physical
phenomena he had experienced while acting. On each level of questioning, different
,,6

ACTORS IN PRACTICE

response possibilities were offered. Questions not only asked which emotions, action
tendencies, and physical reactions had occurred, if any, but also what the intensity of
each item had been. The research topic also required information regarding the acting
style the actor had applied. Using descriptions in acting theories as well as experiences
in acting practice, twenty statements were formulated. Each of these statements indicated preference for either the involvement or detachment style ofacting. See also section 6.7 for more detaiL
Information about the general preference for an acting style could be obtained indirectly by asking the actors how they thought other qualified actors achieved their
results. To do this, each actor was asked to respond to his own personal choice of'the
best contemporary actor'. These responses, about general preference, could be crosschecked with that actor's responses on acting emotions, and on the acting style he had
applied. Finally, personal data of the responding actors and actresses was collected.
The data was limited to the most relevant features like sex and age, as well as whether
respondents had completed training at an acting school, and their number ofyears of
professional experience. This data could show to what extent the sample is representative of the total population. These variables could also be used to check for possible
interference between these variables, for instance to check for male-female differences. For the same reason, some control questions were introduced about the specific
features ofthe chosen performance and the performing conditions.

6.7

Structure ofthe Questionnaire

The questions were compiled in a small twenty-page booklet. 22 There was a short explanatory text on the cover of the booklet. The most important instruction concerned
the notion ofseparating the emotions ofthe character from those ofthe actor:

...Actors speak of dlifmnt types offedinBs they experience when playinil a role, e·il·, the feelinils
related to practicing their craft and the feelin,gs ofthe character portrayed. In the questions below
thm two types will be addressed separately in relation to a spec!fic scene.
The questions were organized into seven sections in an effort to make the presentation
neat and orderly. Each section has a title and begins with a short explanation. To simplifY answering, I worked to the greatest extent possible with structured questions and
prescribed multiple choice answer categories. Each possible answer was numbered.
Most questions asked to indicate the degree to which the answer was appropriate
which could be indicated on a four point scale including: 'Not at all' (=0), 'to a limited
extent' (=I), 'to a great extent' (=2) and 'to a very great extent' (=3).2.3 A four poinrscale
allows for some nuance in the responses regarding the intensity of the emotion.24 In
order to be able to compare the responses, the same set ofresponse scales were offered
in each successive section (the answer range). This simplified the response process as
well as the computations in the statistical analyses. A very few open (essay) questions
were included, for example, one on a description of the scene in question. The structure ofthe questionnaire is shown in figure 6.1.25 Ashort description ofcontent ofeach
section follows.
"7

In the first section (1. Rememberin,g a Scene) the main
point was to recall the scene. Most of the questions
focus on this one scene. The instructions contained
some criteria for the scene chosen to allow answers to
be compared . One of those conditions was that the
scene had to be played during one of the last performances in a series, so that the position of the chosen
scene within the run was more or less the same for all
respondents. A scene recalled in a premiere, for example, would be less suitable since the special circumstances would bring special memories to mind. This
was not my intention here as it could cause unnecessary
confusion in the results.
Questions about the specific circumstances of the
performance were posed to arrive at as precise a recollection as possible of the scene in question. Altogether
there were seventeen questions in the first section. A
sample question:

How many people were involved in the scene?
(possible answers; None; one other; two or more others).

Fi ure 6.1: trueture of
the Questionnaire

11

III

IV
V
VI

Remembrring a SURe
A. The performance
B. The scene
Two Types af Feelings
A. The craftsman
physical reactions
feelings
tendencies
B. The character
feelings
tendencies
perception ofemotions
frprming Emotions
A. The scene
B. The audience
Afterwards
Preparation
Star Actors
How do star actors work~

[n this section on 'remembering', the respondent was also asked how he felt just before
the performance. There were 26 emotion-words presented (see figure 6.2). The idea
was to indicate to what degree each emotion applied to the actor's experiences; the
intensity ofeach emotion was to be given on four-point scales. Subsequent1y, question s
inquired into what emotions the actor had intended to play in the chosen scene. In other
words , what was the actor's assignment? Here fifteen words describing prototypical
emotions were listed, to which the respondents could add two other emotions. Again,
each emotion was followed by a four-point scale to indicate the intensity.
The second section of the questionnaire (H. Two Types of Feelin,gs) also included a
short introduction. The most important instruction here was that there would be separate questions about the actor's emotions next to the character's emotions. First, fifteen physical reactions were presented , like blushing or a dry throa t. The idea was that
the actor indicated to what extent he had experienced any of these reactions while
playing the scene. Next the actor was introduced to reporting the emotions he him self
experienced during the performance. The intensity for each of 26 possible emotionwords was asked (see figure 6.2).
This was followed bya short explanation ofspecific impulses, urges, and tendencies
(the action tendencies) that the actor or actress felt during the scene - for instance the
impulse to laugh or to hug someone (approach tendencies) as well as impulses such as
crying or wanting to run away (avoidance tendencies). The idea was to indicate to what
degree each ofthe fifteen impulses applied to the actor while playing the chosen scene.
The same procedure was followed for questions regarding the portrayed character118

Figure 6,2 : Theoretical Distinctions of mo ion De ignarions
Cotegory Prototypicol Emotions

Cotegory Tosk-Emotjons

Negotille;

disgusted
anxious
revengeful
hatred
angry
startled
guilty
julous
sad

ashamed
listless
tired
nervous
tense

Neutrol;

neutral

Positille:

erotic
in love
tender
pleased
cheerful

excited
gutsy
strong
concentrated
challenged
certain

Figure 6.2b:Theoretical Distinctions ofAction Tendencies
Negatille:

Neutrol:

to attack
to do something, but what?
to hurt
to move
to cry
to burst out
to sj nle th rou gh the fI oor
to run away

Pos;t;ue:
tohug
to caress
to go for it
to overcome difficulties
to sing, dance, etc.
to approach
to laugh

emotions and character-tendencies. Naturally, I did not ask whether the character had
had his own physical reactions. The same 26 emotion-words and the same fifteen action tendency designations were presented for the character as in reference to the
actors themselves.
In the third section of the questionnaire (Ill, Expressin.ll Emotions) twenty statements
about actors were presented. The statements concern two styles of acting: 'Involvement' and 'detachment'. The introduction stated that all the responses concern the
expression of emotions as the character. The idea was that the respondent reacted
based on what he had done or had experienced during the remembered scene. Examples of an involvement oriented-statement and a detachment-oriented statement follow in the box.
"9

Statement indicating style ofinvolvement:
Sincr I forgot that Iwas acting, tht uprmian of
my character's emotions came almost naturally_

o

1

o

1

Statement indicating style of detachment:
Whu fllprfSSing tht tmotions of the charactrr
Ihod Cl srnst of looking at mIJsr1f(rom outside.

This section of the questionnaire ended with statements about eliciting responses
from the audience. The idea was for the actor to indicate what effect the scene had on
the audience. Finally, questions were posed about what the actor had done to make his
character more believable. Three statements were offered, which successively concerned the degree to which the private emotions, the task-emotions,26 and individual
charisma had been used in the scene.
In the fourth section (IV. Afterwards) respondents were asked about the emotions and
experiences they had immediately after the scene ended. After a short introduction, the
actor was first asked ifhe had been able to leave the stage after the scene or at least had
been able to escape the audiences' attention. Next, seven emotion-words and a category called 'other, namely... ' were presented. The seven emotions were divided into three
pleasant, three unpleasant, and the word 'neutral'. In addition, three statements were
presented about the experiences ofthe actor after the performed scene.
The introduction to the fifth section (V. Preparation) contained the following information:

Preparations for playing the role and the scenes during rehearsals are dijfmntfrom performing
before a n audience or acting duri nB actual shooting. Below you will find some statem ents related
to the rehearsal period prl'cl'din,g the scene you haue in mind.
Here too, statements were presented which indicated a more involved or a more detached manner ofacting, three ofeach.
In the introduction to the sixth section (VI. Star Actors), the questions were introduced
as follows :

The questions below are about the actors and/or actresses you regard as the most capable at the
present moment, especially with respect to how they practice their profession as actors.
The Dutch and Flemish actors were asked to name three top actors on an international
level and also three on a national level. The American actors and actresses were asked
to name their favorite stage actor or actress and their favorite film actor or actress. Next
they were asked how they thought that these top actors, for each of them separately,
achieved their expression of character-emotions. These were, again, statements indicating a preference toward either involvement or detachment styles.
In the last section (VII. In Conclusion), some personal data was gathered, such as the
actor training they had, their professional experience, sex, age.
110

3

ACTORS IN PRACTICE

I was expected to Ilxpress

'"
limited

00'

st"rtledncss
gUilt
tendcflle.s
sadncss

2
2
2

2

('3'

o

2

G

o

(2)

extent

,,
,,

CD

(Qc

cheertulness
in love
anger
neulfal
olher, VIZ

,
a,
,,
,

,,
,
~,
,
CD
,,

at all
0
0
0
0
0

ple~sure

"vcry, greal

'0 ,

w eat
extent

exlenl

&,

0
0

r:ir,

""""®--

16, How difficult was this scene Jar

you)
17 O,d yOU feef warm'

r,

18 To what cxtent was the "clill9 slyle

"' Il1c SGGne determined by Ihe
di'cc:lOr or Ihe company?

,

19 Call yOll blietlv dnscribe whal hop

pe'",d '" the .cell""
!c.y. 'strong argwneflr will' a mall or.,
wom"n' Of 'monologuIl intllrill"r abour
losr lover',)

20 Did your acling produce Ihe effect vou
w'shed 10 achieve 7

yes
•

morc or less
0

00

o

Ad,litioflal commllnt5'

vJrl'E:N

T h"'d

<-\;dN t:

•

The different responses were compared to gain insight into the relationship between
the emotions of the actor and those of the character. Then, I also checked to see how
much the personal preference for a certain acting style was related with the degree of
similarity between actor and character. The results are described in the next chapter.

6.8

Summary

The premises and hypotheses of previous empirical studies with actors described In
section 6.2 are generally very different from the premises and hypotheses which I have
developed in the foregoing chapters. In general, little theoretical development can be

detected in the studies discussed. The results of one study were often not in line with
expectations raised by another; this despite the fact that the appearance of similarity
was suggested by a common terminology and more or less identical research domains
(theater, actors). Furthermore, the earlier research was conducted on limited numbers
of subjects, usually not professional actors, and usually not during actual live performances. The research methods used in the past also raise some doubts. For example, it
is remarkable that research prior to I900 found identification between actor and character, while more recent research has not. Research on self-perception and self-image
however, has not actually concerned the emotions, which makes it ofonly limited use
for this study.
The studies previously discussed did not particularly support the involvement theory
ofacting. The results tended to lend more support to the detachment theory. The most
important conclusion in this respect thus far, was that there are indeed indications for
the presumption that for actors there are more emotions at play than the characteremotions alone. These and other reasons led me to conduct my own field research.
This chapter described the way this written survey among professional actors was
planned and conducted. The questions and expectations which form the core of this
study concern the different views on acting emotions. More traditional views, like
those reflected in the involvement and detachment theories, are compared with assumptions based on the task-emotion theory. The resulting questions and expecta[ions to be researched are described in section 6+
Different considerations resulted in the choice to use a questionnaire sent by mail as
the method for gathering the information. These included among other things, the
subject ofthe inquiry, the available means, and the accessibility of professional actors.
The questionnaire was sent to a representative sample of professional actors, in the
Netherlands and Flanders (I99I), as well as in the United States (1995). Additionally,
this chapter discussed the manner in which the theoretical concepts were converted in
the questionnaire. A description ofthe structure and the content ofthe extended questionnaire which was sent to the actors was also given.

7

professional Actors, Emotions,
and performinll Styles
Sometimes, I had the feeling you had two or more people in mind,
although you only sent the questionnaire to one.
(letter from a professional respondent actor)

7.1

Introduction: Assimilating the Answers

The responses of the professional actors to the questionnaire 'Actor's mixed feelings'
form the basis for the results presented in this chapter. Based on the information gathered, it was first established whether the actors participating in the research indeed fulfil the criteria for professional actors and look at which performances and scenes they
chose. Next, the actors' responses were assembled so that they could perhaps provide
answers to the (main) questions ofthis study: Ifactors portray character-emotions in a
performance, do they also experience these emotions themselves? Ifactors use various
performing styles, such as detachment or involvement, will different effects on the
emotions experienced by actors during the performance be observed? In the context of
the task-emotion theory, data was also gathered concerning whether they experienced
what I categorize as task-emotions. As stated, three different views on acting were to be
tested against the results from theater practice: The involvement theory, the detachment theory, and the task-emotion theory.
To answer the above questions and to test theories, a distinction was made between
prototypical emotions, as they are known in psychological theory, and task-emotions
(6.4). Traditional acting theories limit themselves to pronouncements on emotions
in general, and are mainly concerned with the character (as seen from the spectator's
perspective). Consequently these theories focus on prototypical or basic emotions.
According to the task-emotion theory, actors will rarely or never attribute these emotions to themselves; ifthey do, such emotions will not relate to the character-emotions
portrayed during the performance. On the other hand, actors will indeed experience intense emotions during performance in the category oftask-emotions. These emotions
will also not relate to character-emotions.
The actors' responses on various aspects related to emotions, such as action tendencies and physical reactions, will be presented later in this chapter. To gain insight into
current views on acting emotions among professional actors, the performing styles of
the actors themselves will be compared with those of their favorite 'top actors'. The
final section concerning the responses to the questionnaire will describe how actors
view the acting style they applied while they were preparing their roles, and what effect
their performances had on the audiences.

"3

This chapter gives a systematic report ofthe assembled data, while the following chapter provides a more theoretical interpretation and discussion ofthe data. The empirical
results from theater practice will then find a place within acting theory, forming a link
with current developments.

7.2

Characteristics of Responding Actors and Performances

The questionnaire was completed and returned by 341 profeSSional actors; II4 Actors
and actresses from the Netherlands and Flanders and 227 professionals from the
United States. J A few Dutch actors responded by letter. They could not, or refused to
complete the questionnaire, but offered their opinions on 'Actor's mixed feelings'.
These letters revealed that current opinions about acting emotions differ widely. In
their reactions, some Dutch-speaking actors took an anti-involvement stand: 'I can
not complete the survey, because 1 feel nothing on stage' or: 'Only the audience has
feelings .' Others voiced opinions closer to involvement: 'Everything in our profession
is based on emotion ' or: 'You divide what I experience as a whole'.
The American actors more frequently provided extensive responses to the survey,
sometimes adding letters as well. Many of the over one hundred extra commentaries
were related to involvement: 'I saw no line of separation between myselfand the character's emotions' ; 'Can't separate the two - they are one'; 'I did begin to silently crytears slowly moving down my cheeks as I said my lines. I'm not sure how I feel about
that happening although it was very effective to the audience: I heard the tears from the
audience'. But among the American actors, we also naturally found some statements
related to detachment: 'Acting is pretending, nothing more. All of this crap (I call it
"acting class crap") merely puts layers between the actor and what he/she is supposed
to be pretending. Either one can act, or one can't, period. Good acting is a superior
ability to concentrate, listen, and pretend, nothing more.'
One Dutch actor responded With an interpretation ofthe questionnaire which contradicted my theoretical stance: 'It illustrates the idea, usually romanticized by lay people, of getting under someone else's skin. That is a pity, your initiative is so unusual,
but I have the feeling that the one-sided approach will give a limited impression ofthe
noble craft ofacting. ' What is important about these letters is that th ey reveal that the
questionnaire was not biased toward one single point ofview, and not considered to be
intended for just one type ofactor; both interpretations occur.
The actors and actresses who participated in the study (respondents) indeed appeared
to belong to the category of professional actors with at least three years of career experience. 2 Among the Dutch and Flemish respondents, over 70% graduated from a
recognized acting school. Two-thirds ofthe Dutch actors and actresses even had more
than ten years of career experience and the majority were under 45 years of age. The
American respondents also had professional training; nearly 60% had
According 10 the actr~n Renee Soutendijk. 30 to 3S
studied professionally at the univerpercent of roles (in films) arc int~nded for women unde r
forty: ;lnd only 8 ~rcenl fOf women onr fOri)'.
sity level, 19% had acting training at
(in Zomcrgost,n. VPRO·lV, May 30, J99J)
an institute and just under 40% had

PROFESSIONAL ACTORS, EMOTIONS AN D PERFORM ING STYLES

studied at a so-called studio.3 In terms of career experience and age, the American respondents were comparable to the Dutch-speaking respondents: Two-thirds of the
American actors and actresses had more than ten years ofprofessional experience and
the majority was also under 45 years ofage.
The dispersal across education, age , experience, sex, and regional indicators was
such that the sample may be considered an acceptable representation ofthe total population of professional actors, within the Netherlands and Flanders as well as in the
United States (see figures 7.1 and 7.2). The fact that about two-thirds of the respon-

figure 7.1: Data on the Research
sample ' n the Netherlands and
flanders. Compiled in the spring
ofl991

FEATURES OF PARTICIPATING ACTORS
., The Nelhedands end Fl8nde..
% 1110

o

--

..

pr_'Khool

"'*

.. 451'«5

Figure 7.2; Dala on the Research
sample in the united States.
Compiled in Ihe fall of1995

~lo-",a

~

.-...

91

liiio-.

FEATURES OF PARTICIPATING ACTORS
in The Un! ad S I
% 100

eo

4D

D

...

age ~I

<.sr

pononoo

c 1Of.'O

_no

1AWf·

ty

-

1t'I&1.1Lil•

._
~

....

.- _....

50...,

~-

w...

ull

Kef'8

.,.."no~

Explanation: The vertical axis indicates the re spective percentage. The horilOntal axi s indicates the question concerned
(most categories are self-explanatory: ' experience' =the number of years of professional experience «10 = under ten
years; ).10 = over ten years); 'school ' , 'university', ' institute' . 'stlldio' = whether or not an act ;ng study was completed;
'season' = the season duringwhich the performance recalled took place; 'important performance' =whetherthe scene
was part of a performance which was important for the actor; and 'full house ' = if the theaterwas fil led on the night ofthe
perfo rmance).

dents were male and one-third female corresponds to actual percentages in the theater,
where there is commonly a predominance ofmale (leading) roles.
Statistical analysis ofthe information assembled did not call for further separation
into subgroups based on personal characteristics or specific situations.4 That is to say,
factors like gender, age, having completed a degree, etc. did not have a differentiating
impact on the response on emotions, acting styles, or other relevant data from the survey. It also appeared that age, type oftraining, or number ofyears ofcareer experience
had no connection with the specific style ofacting used. In other words, a variety ofacting styles was found throughout all segments ofthe sample population. Consequently,
itwas not necessary to analyze, for example, men and women separately.
Further, the data revealed that almost all of the American and Dutch actors surveyed thought the scenes they had chosen from memory were important (for them). In
other words, the task situations were considered meaningful, which is a condition of
a possible occurrence of task-emotions (4.5). Likewise, it is important that nearly all
the actors were satisfied with their performances. Moreover, the scenes concerned
had been performed recently enough so that the experiences were still fresh in their
minds, plus the particular performances recalled had not taken place on an opening
night but during a performance later in the run. The results concerned a variety of
roles.s The next section will discuss which emotions were dramatized in these scenes.
Based on the documented features ofthe responding actors, it may be assumed that
the professional actors targeted for this study were indeed found. 6 Thus it is safe to say
that the results in the rest ofthis chapter were not distorted by respondents who did not
meet the proposed professional actor criteria that were set.

7.3

Emotions Pretended on Stage

In reference to the chosen scenes, actors were asked to what degree they intended to
portray certain emotions in their performance: The intended emotions. At another
point in the questionnaire, they were asked to what extent the character as portrayed
(during the performance of the remembered scene) had certain emotions: The character-emotions. Looking at all the responses on the intended emotions and characteremotions gave us an impression of the diverse emotions expressed in the selected
scenes. See figure 7.3 for the Dutch and figure 7.4 for the American scenes.
These figures reveal the number of times an emotion was intended to be portrayed
as compared to how often the emotion was actually portrayed in the character, expressed as a percentage of the total number ofactors who answered the question. The
information in the figures shows how many actors intended to portray a particular emotion (the darker bars) and for how many c~aracters this emotion was realized (the lighter
bars)) The intensity ofthe emotion has not been taken into account in these percentages. In the scenes chosen by Dutc~ actors, the emotions disgusted, anxious, sad, and
anW!:J were most frequently given as intended emotions, and were also most frequently
named as the realized character~emotions: In about 70% ofthe scenes. These were followed by feeling erotic and tender: In about 65%. The least frequently named emotions
were c~ee1ful and in love: Intended in about 35% ofthe scenes. The number ofcharacters
with positive emotions was about IO% less than the number oftimes that these positive
,,6

PROFESSIONAL ACTORS, EMOTIONS AND PERfORMING STYLES

emotions were intended to be portrayed in the scene (see figure 7.3). Apparently it is
more difficult with positive emotions to succeed in matching the actual character por~
trayal to the actor's intentions.
Figure 7.4 shows comparable results for the American actors, although negative emotions were slightly more frequent than for the Dutch (for instance, sadness was an in~
tended emotion for 80% ofAmerican actors). Eroticism scores for the American actors
were noticeably lower than those of the Dutch actors; Only 40% intended to portray
eroticism in their characters. This was about 20% lower than for Dutch actors. Converse~
ly, for American actors, tenderness was an intended emotion for over 80% of the actors,
as opposed to 65% for the Dutch. This variance could possibly be caused by cultural
and language differences. Scores for being anxious were also divergent: 90% of American actors portrayed characters with an xious feelings (bein,g anxious was an intended
emotion 70% of the time) , while about 75% of Dutch actors portrayed anxiety in their
characters (with a comparable percentage for the intended emotion ofanxiety). In che

Figure 73: Percentages (number) ofDutch·speaking Figure 7.4: Percentages (number)of American
Anors per Intended Emotion and Character'
Actors per Intended Emotion and Characteremotion
emotion

CHARACTER-EMonONS In NL

c11",,~

CHARACTER-EMonONS In us
I'l!Jlo<med and " ' ' ' ' . -

Pllrtormadllftd "'"._

iiiiiiiiiiiiiii~-l

d .logul5l • • • • • •C~_--,

1 ••

IIDzlety

ntVonga

!atred

.!!!!!I!!!!!!!I!!!I!!!I!!!i!!!!!!!~---,

anger

.I!!IIIII!IIII!!!IIII!!!IIII!!!IIII!!•••

",'rl<1

.!IIII!!!IIII!!!IIII!!!IIII!!. . . ._---'
.!IIII!!!IIII!!!!!I!!!!IIII!!.
.!!!!!!!!!IIII!!!IIII!!!!!I~~_--,

In9"' =~

Stor111<1

gullly

!ulotJ y
McIIl

IS

.tOlle's",
In IO'wlO

.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!I!!~

guilty

II!I!!!!!!!I!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!I~__...,

.1!!!!!!!1!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!~.r
.!!!I!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!. . . . .
.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!I ~_-,

In lOvs

ndemc".!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!~ • •1iJ
pi

1

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!"• •

Sur• •

eheerllll

i'WUtrne•• •
pie

nn '.1

•

!!!!!!!!!IIII!!!IIII!!!IIII!!~• • •

U'• • !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!IIII1IIiI

o to

'0 20 30 40 50 &0 70 ell 110 100

Perlormed

.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!~--,

.-J

1!!!I!I!!!!!!!!!!!!!!i
o

.!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!III

...Io,,"y .!IIII!!!IIII!!!IIII!!!IIII!!~ __--,
Hdne:B,· .!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!~ • • •1IIIi
llrotlc:lllim .!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!L--,

1",_ (In '.1

Perr:ellt

F

~

30 40 50 &0 70 ell 110 lOO

m18cI(Jn,!. I",..- r..

Pen:ent

Explonotion: To the left ofthe figure are fifteen words describing emotions. The dark gray bars indicate the percentages of
actors who intended to portray the emotion. The light gray bars indicate the percentages which apply to the portrayed
characters.

127

American idiom, 'anxious' or 'anxiety' connotes not only fearfulness but also 'tensed
expectation ofsomething to come',
The percentage ofactors indicating one ofthe emotions listed as one intended to be
portrayed in the performance broadly matches the percentages for the same characteremotion. But, the figures among the various emotions differ widely. Certain emotions
in the scenes actors recalled are applied more often than others. It is impossible to conclude from the data whether the scenes were chosen because a particular emotion was
portrayed. or because ofother aspects ofthe scene. A relatively large number ofactors
indicated that specific emotions were not applicable to their characters. This is obvious: All of the emotions listed could not exist within one scene. However, all of the
emotions listed are well represented in the scenes recalled, especially the prototypical
emotions of a negative or unpleasant nature such as disgust, anxiety, anger, and sadness.
In the roles and scenes which formed the basis for responding, actors indicated many
Figure 7.5: comparison or Character-emotions and
ActorS' Emotions (Nl . the Netherlands.Including
Flanders)

.

EMOTIONS DURING STAGE ACTING In NL

t:Qrr.

Actor versus character

Figure 7.6: Comparison of Character'emotions

and Auors' Emotions (US : the United States)

EMOTIONS DURING STAGE ACTING In US
disgust

.23

an~iety

fUvengU

•2a

rBven;&

half<!<!

.'5

hatred

anxiety

~

anger

,1'

.21

,05

Slartl&<!

guilly

.25

guilty

iea10usy

.4ll

jealousy

sadness

.35

sadness

8f'otfclsm

.55

er~cism

in.ove

,15

In 10""'''

,2•

•
>

.

pleasu,a

pJeaSl:.lre

~_m

)(

Actor

---.-

Chara'Cu~r

2.5

.37

...

...

.' .
".

,

.51

.18

..,

~

Oheerful
0

3

Intensity

.12

..

.,

tendeml!'SS

2

"

'.,

.,.
1.5

.25

.31

.45

0 .5

.'6

..3

,

tenderness

0

,09

:.

anger

Slartled

laughler

c;orr,

Ac:tot versus ehalC!lete...

.,

disguSl

x

Actor

0.5

---.-

'.5

CharaC1er

2

2.5

3

Intensity

Explanation: To tne left oHhe figure, fifteen words describing emotions are listed. The dotted line indicates tne average
intensity ofthe emotions ofthe actors duringthe performance. The solid line indicates the degree to which these
emotions were portrayed in characters on stage. The lines link the average values per word describing emotion. The
averages lie between 0 (not at all appl icable) and 3 (applicable to a very great extent). Corr. "correlation.

128

different expressions of character-emotions.
The results in this chapter therefore concern a
wide variety of scenes and a wide variety of
emotions.

7·4

Emotions of Actors and Characters

hplanation ofthe figures 7., to 7.18: The figures
show the average intensity per emotion. The intensity of
the portrayed character-emotions is represented by the
black, solid line. The dotted line indicates the average
degree to which the actors themselves experienced the
emotions during the performance. The averages were
calculated by combining all the acton' scores. in as much
as they indicated expressing the emotion during their

When actors portray character-emotions do
character portrayal." The emotional intensity ranges
they also experience similar emotions? In the
from 0 (not at all) to 1 <the named emotion is intended,
questionnaire, actors indicated to what degree
felt, or portrayed to a very great ntent), shown on the
each emotion was expressed in the character durhorizontal axis. To the right of the figure, the coherency
ing the chosen scene. Independent of this, at
between the actors' emotions and the character-emotions
another point in the questionnaire, the actors inis indicated by correlations. Only correlations above .60
dicated to what extent they themselves had exindicate a strong correlation. Ifthe correlation is statisperienced each of the emotions. 8 The answers
tically significant, there is a star nellt to it. This means
of the Dutch respondents are shown in figure
that the connection is not simply coinc idental.
7.5 and those ofthe Americans in figure 7.6.9
The figures clearly show that the actors'
emotional experiences did not correspond with the portrayed character-emotions , a
conclusion which is supported by statistical analysis. There is a visible distance between lines indicating the intensity of emotions for actor and character, whereby the
character-emotion is always more intense than the corresponding emotion for the
actor. The emotions of disgust, anxiety, hate, anger, etc. were all significantly weaker in
the experience of the actor than the y are in the characters portrayed (average of all
actors) .
The distance between the lines only narrows when the positive prototypical emotions of tenderness, pleasure. and chwjitlness were portrayed ; it seemed at first as though
actors actually experienced these emotions when portraying them in characters. This
was true for both the Dutch and American surveys. However, the correlations (the
numbers to the right ofthe figure) indicate that there is no significant connection between the pleasure and cheeljUlness ofthe actor and that of the character. The similarity in
the averages is in this case coincidental: The actors who, for example, experienced intense pleasure were not the same actors who indicated pleasure as intensely valid for
their characters. Only when it came to tenderness, and only with the Dutch respondents,
was there a significant correlation between the expression oftenderness as the character and the feelings of tenderness that the actors themselves experienced. The American actors as well, established the strongest relationship between actor and character
with tenderness, but there was no significant and strong correlation proven with anyone
ofthe emotions (all ofthe correlations were under .60). The exceptional nature oftenderness will be examined more closely in a later section when task-emotions are discussed. Further, it is notable that the American actors , on average, experienced anxiety
more intensely than the Dutch actors , even though as characters they did not portray a
higher degree of anxiety. Could it be that American actors are more frightened oftheir
audiences, which might include important 'casting directors '? Or should we subscribe
the difference to connotations in language differences?

It is conceivable that the clear differences between portrayed character-emotions and
the emotions experienced by actors themselves might be due to 'bad acting' . It is possible that the actors did not perform the way they had intended to. To test this possibility,
the emotions which were intended as part of the character portrayal were compared
with the emotion s which were actually portrayed during the scenes chosen. The results
ofthis comparison are shown in figure 7.7 for the Dutch actors and in figure 7.8 for the
American actors.
Based on these results, it can be stated that both the Dutch and the American actors
succeeded in portraying wha t they wanted to portray, or in any case what was intended
in order to portray the character. In both figures, the lines indicating the average emotional intensities are nearly identical. There are also strong and significant correlations
between the intended emotions and the portrayed character-emotions. The lack ofcorrespondence between the actors' emotions and the characters' discussed above in fig-

Figure 1.7: Comparison of Averaged Intensity of
Figure 7.8: Comparison of Averaged Intensity of
Emotions as Intended and as portrayed in Character Emotions as Intended and as portrayed In Character
(NL)

(US)

CHARACTER-EMOTIONS In Nl
Pe~o'med and

dlsguot

corr.

intended

.------------r---,

,58'

CHARACTER-EMOTIONS In US

'Con.

Performed and intended

dlogus1

anxiety

.66"

revenge

.68"

re.enge

hair""

,16"

""lred

.------'t"""'...,....------, .70··
, ~,

.43

,68··

"nger

.12"

startled

'la~led

.12·'

guilty

guilty

.71··

jealousy

jealouay

.61"·
,8Q"

sadness

sadneaa

eroticism

eroticism

In~e

In 1o....

tendeme9s

tenderne88

,-

pleasure
laught..

'--

0

... X.. .

pleaoure

'-

O.S

Pe rtormed

'.5

- - . - Inl.nde<!

.19··

-' .70-

2

2.5

Intensity

3

ch_Ine... L..-_-..04'--

o

0 .5

... X ' . Pertonnll<l

--l

' .5
--.-

InI9."e"

2

2.5

3

Intensity

Explanation: Tothe left ofthe figure, fifteen words describing emotions are listed. The solid line indicates the degree to
which each emotion was intended to be portrayed du ri ng the performance. The dotted line indicates the degree to which
these emotions were portrayed as partofthe character role. The 11nes link the average values per word describing emotion. The averages lie between 0 (not at all appl icable) and 3 (applicable to a very great extent). Corr. =con-elation.

PROFESSIONAL A(TORS, EMOTIONS ANO PERFORMING STYLES

ures 7.5 and 7.6, can therefore not be attributed to an inadequate performance. Moreover, it appears that the nature ofthe data assembled is suitable for detecting this type
ofvariation.
Ifthe actors have indeed acted as they intended to, can we then find another explanation for why the emotions actors feel do not correspond to the character-emotions?
Until now, all the actors have been grouped together, that is to say that actors with different acting styles were 'added' together in the comparative analyses. The different
acting styles might reveal differences in the degree to which the character-emotions
and actors own emotions coincide. Therefore actors with different acting styles were
separated into distinct groups and new comparisons were made.

7-5

Acting Styles and Emotions

Is there a relationship between the acting style used in a performance and the degree of
correspondence between character-emotions and the emotions ofthe actor? To answer
this question two subgroups representing the most extreme viewpoints concerning the
portrayal of emotions were distinguished. The actors were classified into the acting
styles on the basis oftheir responses to the twenty statements referring to the styles of
detachment and involvement (see section 6.7). With these statements they reflected on
the particular style they themselves said they had used in the chosen scene. One group
of actors who predominantly used a style of detachment and another who predominantly used a style of involvement were selected (for detailed information, see Konijn
1994; Konijn and Westerbeek 1997). The results for the Dutch 'detachment' actors, and
the American 'detachment' actors are shown respectively in figures 7.9 and 7.IO.
As expected, the 'dctachment' actors showed no concurrence between the portrayed
character-emotions and the emotions the actors themselves experienced during the
performance. Conversely, with 'inoolvemrnt' actors, one would expect to find at least a
clearer correspondence between portrayed character-emotions and the emotions felt
by actors than with the 'detachment' actors. In figures 7.II and 7.12 the comparison
between respectively the Dutch and the American 'involvement' actors is shown.
In general there was no clear distinction between the 'involvement' actor figures and
the 'detachment' actor figures. In the United States, the 'involvement' actors (see 7.12)
seemed to have slightly stronger emotions than the 'detachment' actors. But the 'involvement' actors also seemed to portray the character-emotions more intensely than
the 'detachment' actors. Except for an,geT and tenderness, there was also no clear and significant relationship between American 'involvement' actors and their character-emotions. 'Involvement' actors' portrayal of anger in the role was matched by a weaker
experience ofanger in the actor. Meanwhile, tenderness in the role was matched with
an evenly intense feeling oftenderness in the actor.
In general, however, there was no correspondence between character-emotions and
the emotions felt by actors within the 'involvement' group. Remarkably, this was even
true amongst the most adept American 'involvement' actors even though the involvement style or 'method-acting' in America is the foundation of much acting instruction
and is viewed by many as the ideal acting style (according to the research ofBrumm and
Hornby, among others). If then the strongest adherents to the style of involvement

."

according to their own statements (as opposed to the style ofdetachment) are selected,
the results become astonishing. Overall, the results of both groups of actors, despite
their opposing acting styles, do not even differ from the results ofthe group as a whole;
compare with figures 7.S and 7.6.
Further statistical analysis leads to the conclusion that involvement and detachment
cannot be seen as two opposing styles ofacting, at least not in respect to portraying emotions. This is a remarkable result because the traditional acting theories stress the antithesis ofthe styles precisely on the subject ofemotions. On the basis ofstatistical analysis, four separate aspects of performi ng styles can be classified; (I) 'Letting oneself be
carried away by the character'; (2) 'experiencing a similarity between the actor and the
character'; (3) 'applying task-emotions' and (4) aspects relating to the 'technical design'."
From the data assembled, it appears that there was not one single actor who thought
the performing-style aspect 'applying task-emotions' was not applicable during per-

Figure 7.9: For Detachment ActOrs Only Comparison of Character-emotions and
Actors' Emotions (NL)

Figure 7.10: For Detachment ACtOrS only comparison of Character'emotions and
ACtorS' Emotions (US)

EMOTIONS DURING STAGE ACTING in NL
eorr,

Detachm ant actors

dlsgusl

•

onl<lety

EMOTIONS DURING STAGE ACTING In US
Detachme nt actors

"C7

dlogust

.63"

.""ie1y

,evonge

.1>1

revenge

h._

.<>0

h.t'ed

,31

anger

anger

.~

.?'G U

l!"'-

SIaf1Ie<l

le.104lSY

.'"
.8.··

sadness

.35

eroticism

.65

guilty

..""

'.

In love
tenderness

.

pleasure

"

·.41

-"-

.

,31

•.Il'l

..-.,-

.35

~. '

.06
.19

slIIf11ed

.

guilty
jeiillousy

.23

"

·.05

.02

~

'

....d"""

..

.1'

eroticism

.1B

~

.17

In 10""

'.
-"."

.

.,.

lende,..,e9!1

,17

pleasure

,17

lauglller
C

---)(--- Actor

C,5

----.-

1.5
Chara~er

2,5

3

IntenSity

,58

cheerful

0

)(

A~lQ.f

0.5

----.-

1.5
Cllaracler

2

2,S

3

Intensity

hpJol1otion : To the left ofthe figure, fifteen words describing emotions are listed.The dotted line indicates the average
intensity ofthe emotions of the detachment-actors during the performance. The solid Iine indicates the degree to wh ich
these emotions were portrayed as part of the character role. The lines link the average values per word describing emotion. The averages lie between 0 (not at all applicable) and 3 (appl icable to a very great extent). Corr. := correlation,

PROFESSIONAl,o.CTORS, EMOTIONS ANO PERFORMING STYLES

formance. There were also very few actors who thought that the 'technical design' was
not relevant to their acting. In other words, there was not one responding actor who
exclusively applied the style of involvement during performance. Findings like these
imply that involvement and detachment must be interpreted as relative terms. This was
taken into account when determining whether an actor was oriented toward either
involvement or detachment in the above comparison between actor and character. This
point will be pursued in the foUowing chapter.
In short, the traditional acting theories - specifically those of involvement and detachment - do not appear to be supported by the results gathered from actual contemporary rheater practice. The task-emotion theory can thus provide an explanation ofthe
results ofthis study up to this point. The actors' task-concerns, for example, the desire
to execute acting tasks as well as possible before an expectant audience, will evoke
task-emotions in actors.

Figure 7.12: For Involvement ActOrS only comparison ofChara<ter'emotions and
ACtOrS' Emotions (US)

figure 7.11: For Involvement Actors only -

Comparison ofcharacter'emotions and
Actors' Emotions (NL)

EMOTIONS DURING STAGE ACTING In NL

co".

InvOlvement ~OI'S

disgust

,

aruclety

•

revenga

-;

/>a.red

.

anger

•

startled
guilty

-,
'. ,

jealousy
sadness
eroticism

"
~'

In love

' - '.

tenderne-,.

.

pleasure

-.',11;

taughter
0

--It-- ""'0'

0.5

----

1.5
Cl'Ia. r ~lK

2

2.5

3

Intensity

EMOTIONS DURING STAGE ACTING In US
lffl~ment

.2.

dlsglll1

.27

anxiety

.'9

"""'"9"

~

,OS

hotred

"

.62

ling...

-,63

stanled

-.28

guilty

,'3

jealouay

,20

e.edn...

,S'

eroticism

.60

In love

.78'

tendlllrneBs

,93

pleJulurtl

,.,

cheerful

c"".

acwrs

.32
.11

',-

.60
.31

,60"

"

.55

•

,"
.;>Il

~

-')-

...
,31
.•go

-_2~

.,"
0

1.5

0 .5

. )( :: Aclor

Character

-----

2

2 ,5

3

Intensitj

Explanation: Tothe left ofthe figure, fifteen words describing emotion are listed .The dotted line indicates the average
intensity ofthe involvement actors' emotions during the pelformance. The solid line indicates the degree to which these
emotions were portrayed as part of the character role. The lines link the average values per word describing emotion. The
averages lie between 0 (not at all applicable) and 3 (applicable to a very great extent). Corr. " correlation.

7.6

Professional Actors and Task-Emotions

According to the task-emotion theory it is necessary to distinguish the prototypical
emotions characteristic to the role, from the emotions actors may experience as a result of performing before an audience, the so-called task-emotions. In the previous
chapters it was clearly delineated that from the viewpoint of the task-emotion theory,
one would not expect actors to experience the character-emotions they portray, but
would expect them to experience task-emotions. We have already seen that actors indeed do not have the same emotions as those they portray in characters. Do they then
have task-emotions? The answer can be found in figure 7.I3 for the Dutch actors and
in figure 7.14 for the American acto rs. Just as in rh e previous figu res, the lines indicate
the average intensity of various emotions of the actors and the characters. The words
describing emotion are listed vertically and were assumed beforehand to connote
task-emotions (6.7).

Figure 7.13: Comparison ofCharaeter'emotions and

Figure 7.14: comparison of Character'emotlons and

presumed Task-emotions (Nl)

Presumed Task-emotions (US)

TASK.EMOTIONS FOR STAGE ACTING In NL

TASK-EMOTIONS fOR STAGE ACTING in US
cOO'.

AClor versus character

_I

Actor versus character

""".

Ae

neulral

.04

aohomed

.30'!

11911.""

-.33

Ilotless

,48

tired

.1.

lired

,2')

nervo&lS

,11

nervous

.13

tensed

,22

tensBd

eJ<cltod

.2.

"",cited

,34

withgUlS

,0.

gutsy

Aa

Sltong

,1 .

strong

,4.

.30

I:oncenlraled

.14

.1.

challenged

.'6

.

ashamed

.

concentrated
challenged

,13

c9ltaln
0

)(

Actor

0 .5

1.5

--+-

Chatactet

2

25

Intensity

· .3S

.1'

~

.13

certain

3

0

X·

Actor

0.5

--+-

1.5
Charac,er

2

2.S

3

Intensity

Explanation: To the left ofthe figure. fifteen words describing emotions are listed.The dotted line indicates the average intensity ofthe presumed task-emotions during the performance. The solid line ind icates the degree to which these
emotions were portrayed as part ofthe character role. The lines link the average values per word describing emotion , The
averages lie between 0 (not at all applicable) and 3 (applicable to a very great extent). Corr. '" correlation.

'34

rROFE5510NAl ACTORS, EMOTIONS ANO PERFORM ING STYlES

The figures clearly show that emotions appearing in the lower halfofthe list are more
intense in a majority of the actors. In this respect, the Dutch and American actors are
comparable. Although the lines almost converge at some emotions, there is no significant correlation betvv"een the emotions of actors and their character-emotions. The
numbers to the right of the figures (the correlations) never reach .60. The correlations
for excitement and concentration are too weak to merit a star (for significance; see box on
page I29). The emotions in the lower halfofthe figures, from excitement on, are usually
deemed positive, while the emotions in the upper half are usually deemed as negative.
These negative task-emotions such as feeling ashamed, listless, and tired seldom seemed
to arise in actors. Theyexperienced, as predicted, mainly the positive task-emotions intensely, specifically concentration, challen,ge, and feelings of stren,gth and certainty. These
are emotions which, in a theoretical sense, can be related to challenge and 'flow' (see
chapter 4).
That emotions from the category of task-emotions were attributed in comparable
measures to the character {though unrelated to the actor's own emotions} ran contrary
to my expectations. I thought that the portrayed character-emotions would mainly concern prototypical emotions, as explained in previous sections. Apparently prototypical
emotions and task-emotions go hand in hand since characters are also intent on
achieving their own goals. In order to resolve (dramatic) conflicts and overcome hurdles to reach desired results, characters -like actors - must also accomplish numerous
tasks so that actors can also attribute task-emotions to their characters (although characters' 'tasks' are very different from the acting tasks). But, also with the emotions in
this category, again, it cannot be stated that there is any similarity betvv"een actor and
character.
To support the idea that the emotions actors have during performances mainly relate to accomplishing acting tasks, the actors' emotions just bifore the performance
started should be comparable to the emotions experienced durin9 the performance. In
figures 7.I5 and 7.I6 these task-emotions bifore and durin,g the performance are compared, for both the Dutch and the American actors.
The emotional experience during a live stage performance was clearly similar to the
emotions the actors themselves experienced just before the performance started. This
is noticeable in the overlap of the lines which depict the averages of emotional intensity, but is even more evident in the relatively strong and significant correlations. AIrhough significant correlation cannot be claimed in all instances, there is a considerably stronger relationship between the emotions actors experience before and during
the performance than betvv"een the portrayed character-emotions and the emotions of
the actors themselves. This is particularly valid for the positive range oftask-emotions,
less so for the negative ones.
The actors' emotions which were not named as task-emotions beforehand (such as
tendemess, pleasure, and cheerfUlness in figures 7.5 and 7.6), are, I suspect, also strongly related to the emotional experiences ofactors just before the performance commences.
This is seen in figures 7.17 and 7.18 (on page 137), in which the prototypical emotions
felt by actors just before the performance are compared with those during the performance.

'"

The fact that here, in the category ofprototypical emotions, the actors' emotional experiences durin,g the performance were already present just before the performance, and to
similar degrees, lends even stronger support to the task-emotion theory. Moreover,
these did not relate to the character-emotions. The correspondence between the prototypical emotions reported by actors (for themselves) just before the performance
with those experienced during the performance (i.e., the particular scene) supports the
hypothesis that the emotions of actors relate to actinn tasks and not to the portrayed
character-emotions. Even when the actor did experience so-called prototypical emotions, these did not relate to the portrayed character-emotions. Indeed, prototypical
emotions occurred in only a minority ofactors.
When character-emotions portrayed by actors during the performance were compared with the emotions of actors just before the performance, it again became clear

Figure 7.15: comparison of ActOrS' Emotions Before
and During the Performance (NL)

Figure 7.16: comparison of ACtors' Emotions Before
and During the performance (US)

BEFORE AND DURING STAGE ACTING In NL

BEFORE AND OURING STAGE ACTING In US

Task-emotions of actors

Taskl~motions

COlT.

neomal . . . . . - - . . , , - - - - - - - - - - - , .22

of i;lclors

co~r,

neutral

A9

aollamed

.26

ashamed

.50

IIde••

.33

IIs~ess

.33

UrBd

.2'

lire<!

.50

nervous

.37

nervouS

..'

tensed

...

exc~d

.56'

gUl8y

,~5·

.'1'

..

.6i'·

.trong

.<9

strong

l:oncuntntetJ

.31

concentra1ed

.•i·

chellOf1ged

t--'--

oertaln L -

o
.)( ..

During

0 .5
----.-

1.5
Before

..,

J

2 .5

Intensity

...

.26

.56'

ohallenged

4-.'--

c6rtain L-

o

3

"' X "

'

During

0.5
--.-

1.'
Before

2

...J .5O

2..

3

IntenSJIy

Explanation: To the left of the figure, fifteen words describing emotions are listed.The dotted I;ne indicates the average
inten5ity of the pre5umed task-emotions during the performance. The sol id line indicate. the degree to which these
emotion5 were experienced by the actors jU5t prior to the performance. The Iines Iink the average value5 per word descri bing emotion. The averages lie between 0 (not at all appl icable) and 3 (applicable to a very great extent).
Corr. "" correlation_

PROFESSIONAL ACTORS, EMOTIONS AND PERfORMING STYLES

that the two have little in common. [2 The emotional experience ofactors during a performance can therefore be interpreted as (mainly) related to the actin,g tasks, even when
prototypical emotions are involved. I will come back to it in the next chapter.

7.7

Emotions, Impulses, and Physical Reactions

Chapter four made it clear that emotions are coupled with action tendencies. In the
questionnaire these action tendencies were called tendencies, impulses or urges to do
something. A list offifteen action tendencies was presented for both the actor and the
character, in the same manner as the word list describing emotions (6.4; 6.7). The
tendencies can be grouped into positive and negative impulses. The positive impulses
are tendencies to approach and are more likely coupled with positive emotions. The
negative impulses are tendencies to avoid and are more likely coupled with negative
Figure 7.11: comparison ofActOrS' Emotions Before

Figure 7.18: Comparison of Actors' Emotions Before

versus During thererformance,in Reference to

versus During the performance,ln Reference to

prototypical Emotions (NL)

Prototypical Emotions (US)

BEFORE AND DURING STAGE ACTING in US

BEFORE AND DURING STAGE ACTING in NL
eor<.

Emobons 01 actors

eott,

Emotions of &CtOtS

disgust

.3.

disgust

.14

anXiety

.46

onxiety

.~

revenge

.TT""

.54

hewed

ang",

.7/1"'

.59'

rev""!!a
holnld

.38

Ing",

.44

S1arlled

.48

otol1led

.32

gUilty

.23

guilty

.42

jqlou.y

.IT·

J...lousy

.41

sadness

.45

sadness

.38

El'rotIcism

.6&"

&rollc:ls",

.17"

In IOY.

.68"

In love

"'nodema"

.51"

"""I...""".

pleasure

.2.

ple.aunt

.48

cheerful

Ia.ughter

0

'

.')(. . "[)uriniJ

0.5

--.-

1.5
Belore

~

~.5

Intensity

.57

.64,:la

.44
0

3

X

During

0.5

~

1

1.5
Belore ..

2

2.5

3

Inlensity

E~planation: To the left of the figure, fifteen words describing emotions are listed. The dotted line indicates the average
intensity ohhe so-called prototypical emotions during the performance. The sol id line ind kate5 the degree to which
these emotion5 were experienced by actors just prior to the performance. The line5 link the average val ues per word describing emotion. The averages lie between 0 (not at all applicable) and 3 (applicable to a vel)' great extent).

Corr. '" correlation.

1]7

emotions. [n the following subsections, the impu lses acted out as the character will be
compared with the impulses experienced by the actors themselves. Subsequently the
relationships found between certain emotions and their accompanying tendencies or
impulses will be described. Next follows a description ofthe physical reactions which
the actors experienced during the performance. The section will conclude with a look
at the relationship between emotions, impulses, and physical reactions.

7.7.1 Comparison of Impulses of Actor and Character The results ofcomparing
the impulses in the actor and the character were much the same as the previous comparison of emotions: There was little similarity between the two. Therefore, the results
presented in figures 7.19 and 7 .20 have been placed in the appendix and will be handled here only briefly.13 The lines in the figures show a clear difference in the strength
ofthe characters' and corresponding actors' impulses. Comparing the two, the conclusion is that the actors experienced considerably less intense action tendencies. Nor was
there any correspondence expected with the negative action tendencies. [n fact, the actors reported very fEW negative impulses.
Among the actors ' positive impulses, only the urge to 'go for it' showed any degree
of correspondence with the characters' impulses. [n the American survey, the impulse
with the next 'highest' degree of correspondence between actors and characters was
the urge to 'sing, dance, and move'. The American survey also showed a slight link between the characters' impulse to laugh and the actors' own urge to laugh. On the
whole, then , the results indicate a lack of correspondence between the character impulses portrayed and the action tendencies experienced by actors themselves. In this
respect there is thus little support for the involvement theory, but some degree of support for the detachment theory and for the task-emotion theory. The impulse to 'go for
it' and to 'overcome difficulties' was experienced by 80% to 90% of the actors themselves.
Regarding this point, one would have expected that, within the task-emotion theory, emotions and their accompanying action tendencies onstage to deviate from normal emotions in daily life. According to the task-emotion theory, characters' impulses
are special in that they depart somewhat from the impulses of 'real people in normal
life'. Cha raeters generally 'have' negative emotions, especially those in the category of
prototypical emotions, which are yet expected to be accompanied by approach tendencies, rather than avoidance tendencies (4.4.3). On the other hand, it is expected that
actors ' positive task-emotions will be linked to tendencies to approach (as is the case
'outside the theater'). The character's tendency to approach, which is acted out in the
role, would therefore be an extension ofthe actor's tendency to approach. Therefore, I
had expected that approach tendencies, represented along with negative emotions as
character, would coincide with approach tendencies and positive emotions in the actors. Yet, different levels of intensity in actor's impulses versus those of the character
could be expected. At most, the slight degree ofcorrespondence found between some
tendencies for both actors and characters seemed to point in this direction. (There
were four character-tendencies in both the Dutch and American surveys which were
weakly linked to comparable actor's impulses; these included the tendencies 'to hug',

PRO~ESS10NAL

ACTORS, EMOTIONS AND r>ERFORMING STYLES

'to approach'. 'to caress', and the neutral tendency 'to do something'). However, a
closer look at the results revealed an unexpected picture, as the following subsection
will clarifY.
7.7.2 Correspondence Between Emotions and Impulses What stood out while
calculating the correspondence between emotions and impulses was that conspicuously high correlations in the actor's emotions were found chiefly between the positive
task-emotions and the tendencies to approach. '4 Conversely, with character-emotions, in
the category ofpositive task-emotions, there were a remarkable number of significant
correlations between negative prototypical emotions and tendencies of avoidance in the
character. I had expected that negative character-emotions would be accompanied by
character-tendencies to approach (chapter 5), although this appeared now not to be
che case. The correspondence between separate negative tendencies in the character
was not accompanied by the predicted tendencies to approach, but instead, by tendencies ofavoidance.
Further study ofthese correlations revealed that the specific character-tendencies to
attack, to hurt, and to burst out actually concerned approach tendencies. This was contrary
to the fact that these specific impulses were grouped with the negative tendencies, thus
with avoidance tendencies, because it was presumed that these impulses would be
linked to negative character-emotions. The character-tendencies were indeed directed
toward avoiding or removing one obstacle or another, but, in hindsight, it was incorrect to call them avoidance tendencies. After all, the action required takes one closer to
the obstacle to be removed. Although the action has a negative context, it must still be
seen as an approach tendency. The categories created earlier (6.7) were based on general expectations about action tendencies, as belonging to either negative or positive
emotions, as discussed in chapter 5. The results , however, show that this part of the
task-emotion theory must be reformulated.'5 A related problem is that action tendencies can be interpreted in more than one way. The greatest ambiguity perhaps occurred
with the urge 'to go for it', which with actors was linked with positive task-emotions
(like courage,feelinij stron9, concentration, and challen,ge) and also, for the American actors,
with the impulse to overcome ditJiculties. This was not true for the characters. Goin,gfor it in
characters was related to sadness, erotic feelings, tenderness, and chwjiJlness. With both actors and characters, the approach impulse was the most relevant impulse.
7·7·3 Connection Between Emotions Impulses and Physical Reactions In addition to questions about emotions and impulses, the actors were also questioned
about their physical reactions while acting. The reactions and the degree to which the
actors experienced them are graphically represented in the appendix, in figure 7 . 21 for
the Durch and in figure 7.22 for the American actors. The physical reactions of the
characters were obviously not surveyed, as this would have been implausible.
According to the task-emotion theory the positive emotions of the actor should be
coupled with a specific physiological activation. In particular, excited physical reactions were expected to co-exist with task-emotions such as tension, excitement, and challen.ge. Excited reactions would include, for example, general excitement, sweating, blush139

in.iJ, tin.iJlin.iJ, and butteJjIies in the stomach (see figures in the appendix). Taken on the
whole, these physical reactions occurred strongly or very strongly in a large portion of
the professional actors in both the Dutch and American surveys; when actors indicated
having these excited types of physical sensations, then they were, on average, experienced intensely. In general, American actors reported having excited reactions more
often, and more intensely, than the Dutch.
More subdued physical reactions, such as dry throat, shaking knees, tremblin!] hands,
and tumin!] pale, occurred much less frequently, as did the negative emotions with
which these reactions are coupled. The correlation between emotions and physical
reactions in actors (for the entire group), was found to be moderate to weak. 16 The
only strong correlation found was between excitement as an emotion felt by actors and
the physical reaction of.iJenera[ excitement (greater than .60 and significant). Moreover,
this physical sensation occurred for 85% of the Dutch and 95% of the American actors. The next highest correlation was between sadness felt by the Dutch actors and
shedding tears (.50), but among the American actors this relationship was too weak to
be considered (,32). The rest ofthe correlations between the actor's emotions and the
excited type ofphysical reactions were too low to suggest any connection. In short, the
specific expectation about the relationship berween actor's positive emotions and excited physical reactions is only supported to a limited extent by the empirical results:
The support holds for feeling excited, but not with the actors feeling tense, roncentrated,
and [hallen,ged.
When tears are perceived as indicators for 'really haVing' emotions, as Archer did in
1888, then the relatively strong correspondence between the selection ofactors who experienced sadness and their tears could be considered as support for the idea that actors really do 'experience' sadness. The tears actors shed also corresponded to some
degree with sadness acted outas acharacter-emotion. But section 7.5 made it dear that
the sadness portrayed in a character is seldom related to sadness the actor himself
feels. It was therefore remarkable that sadness occurred relatively frequently in actors
onstage and that, on top ofthat, over half(55% ofthe Dutch and 60% ofthe American)
of the actors reported tears which partially corresponded with their own sadness
(rhough this did not stem from the character's sadness). In as much as tears are not related to experiencing sadness, the actor's tears could ofcourse be related to a number
of other emotions such as joy, tenderness, or feelin,g moufd. It is also common that tears
often flow while actors are receiving applause. Finally, things like make-up and bright
lights can also affect tear glands. In chapter two we could read that some actors are able
to produce tears 'on command' without any underlying emotion.

7.8

Personal Acting Styles and Acting Styles ofTop Actors

To what extent are the results merely a reflection of prevailing standards in the acting
profession? Which opinions about portraying emotions are most strongly asserted at
this moment in time among the respondent-actors? If the actor's response was based
on 'how they thought they were supposed to act' the results would be less valid than if
their answers were based solely on their own experience. Therefore, it was important to
find out what the prevailing views on acting emotions were among the actors surveyed.

'4'

PROFESS IONAL ACTORS , EMOTIONS AN D PERFORM I NG STYlES

By eliciting statements about the supposed acting style ofthe respondent's favorite actors, preference for a cerrain style of acting could indirectly be detected. Because one
generally does not actually know how a certain actor performs, the ideas on the subject
could be influenced by at least two factors. First, an actor's own personal preference for
a style of acting; one's own 'ideal acting style' could be ascribed to his or her 'ideal
actor' as 'the best' . Second, judgments about the way leading actors act could be influ~
enced by current opinions, such as 'how people thin k actors should act' or what'good
acting'is.
The responding actors were therefore asked who they thought were the best actors
or actresses of the present moment. I7 The Dutch and Flemish actors were asked to
choose the 'best' sta,ge actor among Dutch-speaking actors. They could also choose a
fi Im actor as the best international actor. The American respondents were also asked to
name their favorite stage actor as well as the film actor they considered the best. Subsequent use ofthe term 'top actors' refers to the actors named by the respondent-actors.
A few ofthe top actors named are listed in the box. Each list shows the favorite three
stage actors and the favorite three film actors, separately for the Netherlands/Flemish
and the American actors. The point here is to get a general indication of'the ideal' acting style based on the style ascribed to these top actors. Furthermore, it is important to
realize that the number one actor was different for nearly every respondent. So the actors listed below were the ones most frequently named. but they were certainly nor
named by all. The Dutch actors chose the same 'top actor' more often than the American actors , who nearly all chose a different actor as their own favorite. There is anything but agreement on the subject.
Note that in three ofthe four lists ofchosen top actors (in the box below), only one is
a woman. This could reflect two interacting factors. First, two out ofrhree respondentactors , who chose the top actors, were male (7.2) and might therefore be more oriented
toward male colleagues. Second, we already noted earlier that most leading roles in
film and theater are written for men. 18 So, the results in this section could possibly be
biased toward, or most valid for, male actors.
The Dutch and American respondents also appraised each of the top actors in how
they accomplish the expression ofcharacter-emotions. From a selection ofstatements,
they could choose to what degree each
statement was applicable to their faTh~ choice oft h~ Dutch r~s pond~nt·aetors (spring 1991):
vorite actor: Three statements were
Top $faSt actors
Top U-rfen actors
more related to involvement and the
1. Pi~rr~ Bokma
1. Rob~rt de Niro
other three to detachment. (In the
2 . JooPAdmiraal
2. Heryl St re~ p
American version there were five state3. Ann~t Nieuwenhuizen
J. Jack Nicholson
ments for each style, presented in a
mixed order.) In general the most faThe choic~ ofthe American respondent-actors (autumn 1995):
vored acting style was that of involvement, since this was ascribed to the top
Top $fase octors
Top scrttn octors
1.
Vanessa
Redgrave
1. Heryl St re~p
actors in significantly greater measure
2
.
Derrick
Jacobi
2. Anthony Hopkins
19
than the detachment style.
J. Haggie Smith

]. Ro~rt d~ Niro

The results of the analysis of the acting styles
It is impossible 10 know whether or nol somtone is
ascribed to top actors however, again revealed
calling up his/her own rut emotions in those moments,
even if Ihe emotion sttllll completely natural and trn.
that involvement and detachment are not op(Americu anor in response 10 questions about the
posing acting styles .2 0 This was also the case
lOp actors' acting styles)
with the personal acting style (7.5). To answer
the question about the connection between personal acting styles and the style attributed to
top actors, I compared the degree to which respondents themselves applied the acting
style ofinvolvement ar detachment with the degree to which they ascribed this style to
their favorite actors. The correlation was calculated separately for stage actors and
screen actors.u
Statistical analysis revealed that, in general, personal styles were almost completely
unrelated to the acting style attributed to top actors. No significant correlation was produced. Ascribing a greater orientation toward either detachment or involvement
seemed unrelated to the actor's own degree of orientation toward one or the other
style . In other words, when an actor himself applied a style of detachment, this does
not mean that this actor thinks his favorite actors applied this style more often. The assumption is also not valid with the involvement style, even though this style was the
general favarite.
Thus, it cannot be said that there is a clear connection between personal acting
style and the 'ideal' or 'favorite' actiog style ; the prevailing standard. The personal acting style of the respondent-actors appears not to be a reflection of 'an ideal acting
style'. The lack ofcorrespondence between the portrayed character-emotions and the
emotions ofactors in this field study is evidently not the result ofa common opinion as
to 'how it ought to be done'. My interpretation of this lack of correspondence is that
actors have given a realistic account of the way they portray characters during a live
performance.

7.9

Preparation, Public, and Believability

I will now examine how the acting styles applied by professional actors during the performance cornpare to the styles used during the rehearsa I period. In relation to this last part
ofthe survey, a further description will follow ofwhether the application ofa particular
acting style relates to certain expectations among the actors about the emotional effect
their performance will have on the audience. They were also asked which emotions
they employed to enhance the credibility oftheir characters.
7.9.1
Acting Styles During Performance and Preparation There is a general assumption that the preparation for playing a role, during rehearsals , differs from actually playing that part in a live performance before an audience. For this reason, actors
and actresses were asked how they prepared their character portrayal in the scenes
they chose. Three statements on the list were more related to an involvement style,
while another three were more related to a detachment style (four and four in the
American survey).

PROFESSIONAL ACTORS, EMOTIONS AND PERFORMING STYLES

Most actors thought that any aspects of either the style of involvement or detachment
could be used during the preparation ofa role in rehearsal. In particular, the detachment
statements such as 'through the rehearsal of skills for this part, acting became more
and more ofa challenge' and 'by acquiring a command of the technical aspects of my
part, I have increased my confidence' were applied while rehearsing their parts by over
90% of the actors. These statements about technical control, and task-emotions such
as challenge and security, clearly contain references to aspects ofthe detachment style
of acting. Nevertheless, statements that referred to an involvement style during rehearsals were subscribed to more often by actors from the United States than by the
Dutch actors.
Calculations of the correspondence between acting styles during preparation for a
role and during performance revealed that there was no strong or significant correlation for detachment. Neither was there a correlation among the Dutch actors for
involvement. With the American actors there was a moderately strong correlation
(.50**) between the involvement style during rehearsals and involvement in the characters during performance. All in all , it appears that the content or significance ofa more
involved versus a more detached style ofacting during preparation is difficult to compare with the style during performance; they seem to be relatively independent ofone
another. At this moment, the general assumption that acting styles during the rehearsal period differ from those during performance seems to be justifiable. There is
little convincing evidence for or against either view.
7.9.2 Acting Styles Audience, and Believability Adherence to a particular acting
style appears to be unrelated to expectations actors had about the emotional effect of
their acting on the audience. (These results only pertain to the Dutch and Flemish
actors, as these questions were not posed in the US survey.) A majority of the professional actors (about 8o%) thought tbat their acting onstage would evoke in the spectator 'the same emotional experience as that which was expressed in the character'. This,
despite the actors' responses that they themselves scarcely had 'the same emotional
experience as the character' (it should be reminded, however, that the responses ofthe
actors were elicited indirectly). Almost as many actors (abom 80%) thought their performances would 'increase the spectator's insight'. About 70% of the actors expected
their performances to provoke 'a different emotional experience' in the spectators than
was expressed in the characters.
The actors apparently assumed that their performances would provoke various reactions in the spectators at the same time. Furthermore, it is notable that the degree to
which the actors became involved in their characters is not related to the degree to
which they thought that spectators would experience their character's emotions. Neither is there a significant correlation between the other assumed effects on spectators
and the actor's own acting style. On the whole, there is no relationship between the acting style the actors used onstage and the assumed effect on the spectator.
In order to achieve the greatest degree of believability for the audience, actors used
their private emotions as well as task-emotions on a large scale in the portrayal ofcharacter-emotions. Over 80% reported employing both categories of emotions. Apart

from emotions, 'charisma' was most often reported by actors (95%) as a means to
increase believability in portraying character-emotions.
It is not clear how such a widespread application of private emotions should be interpreted, since, as seen earlier, these did not become manifest as emotions through
involvement in the character. On the one hand, actors indicated that the emotions they
experienced did not correspond to those of the characters portrayed. On the other
hand, actors indicated that they applied private emotions to their roles. There are two
possible explanations. First, actors experience all sorts of private emotions which are
not related to either the character or to the acting tasks (and which actually are none of
our business - as spectators).
Second, the actors were probably not familiar with the term task-emotions, or professional emotions as used in the questionnaire. Since the use of the term was not
explained, it might have been confusing. We cannot exclude the possibility that actors
subscribed to the term private emotions to also mean task-emotions, in referring to
their emotional experiences that they perceived as different from the characteremotions. This part of the questionnaire is not clarifying in this respect. However, the
fact that the actors do experience a variety of emotions was discussed previously. It is
clear that, although actors did not experience the emotions portrayed as a character,
they did feel something. A great number ofprofessional actors experienced emotions
of a different nature than character-emotions. It is therefore not surprising that they
gave different names, such as private emotions, to the varietyoffeelings they had.
7.10

Summary

The response of professional actors to questions about emotions and acting styles in
the questionnaire 'Actor's Mixed Feelings' has been outlined in this chapter. An assessment of the respondents' personal data indicated that they form a representative sample ofthe profession. An assessment ofthe performances that respondents based their
answers on revealed that these included a wide range of scenes and emotions. Of the
emotions portrayed on stage, the negative prototypical emotions were portrayed more
often than the positive ones. Moreover, the emotions portrayed in performance were
the ones actors intended to portray.
Acomparison ofthe emotions ofactors with those ofcharacters shows a clear divergence: Actors did not experience the character#emotions portrayed. Furthermore, after
dividing the actors into one group with a distinct involvement style and another with a
distinct detachment style, it appeared that the acting style applied had no effect on the
comparison between the emotions ofthe actor with those ofthe character. Actors who
involved themselves experienced their character's emotions just as little as actors who
remained detached.
To support the task-emotion theory, the question of whether or not actors experience these task-emotions was explored. The survey revealed that indeed they did. The
idea that these emotions are related to acting tasks and not directly to the role portrayal
is further supported by the fact that the emotions the actors experienced durinfj the performance strongly resembled those they felt just before the performance.

'44

PROFESSIONA.L A.CTORS, EMOTIONS AN D PERFORMING STYLES

The relationship between emotions, impulses, and physical reactions does not appear
to be as clear-cut. I had expected negative character-emotions to be linked with
approach tendencies, while in daily life (and thus with the actor's emotions) I had
expected them to be linked with avoidance tendencies. However, the impulses linked to
the character-emotions portrayed appeared not ofa different nature than those in daily
life (in the way they are portrayed). The connection between the acting out ofcharactertendencies and character-emotions appears precisely to resemble the connection between approach tendencies and avoidance tendencies as these occurred in the actors.
In this respect, character-tendencies do actually compare with those in daily life. Probably these provide the spectator with important information about the direction ofthe
performed emotion: Approach toward, or avoidance of, the object ofthe emotion.
The personal acting style and the acting styles of top actors are, according to the
results of this study, scarcely related to each other. The acting styles actors indicated
(indirectly) as their own appeared not to reflect what they considered to be the ideal
style (as an indicator for what the prevailing standard-of acting emotions might be).
Therefore, it is allowed to consider the answers ofthe respondent-actors to be accurate
accounts ofthe way actors portray character-emotions onstage.
The acting style used during rehearsals while preparing a role, mayor may not be
related to the style used during the performance. As far as any connection could be
ascertained, there was some degree of correlation between the involvement style in
rehearsal and in performance among the American actors. Most actors believed that
their performances would evoke emotions in their audiences parallel to the characteremotions. They also believed their performances would increase their audiences' insight. Finally, to support the believability oftheir roles to the audience, actors reported
using private emotions as well as task-emotions, but relied mainly on 'charisma'.

'45

8

Actors Have Emotions and Act Emotions
The technique of any art is sometimes apt
to dampen, as it were, the spark of inspiration
in a mediocre artist;
but the same technique in the hands of a master
can fan that spark iflto an unquenchable flame.
JOSEF jASSER (in Michael Chekhov 1953: 1)

8.1

Introduction: Development ofTheory on Acting Emotions

This last chapter begins with a review ofthe main issues discussed thus far. The results
ofthe field study on acting will then be related to acting theory. The heart ofacting lies
in giving form to emotions on stage. Emotions are central to the dramatic arts: Actors'
emotions, emotional expression, character-emotions, conveying emotion, audience
emotions, etc. Directors and theoreticians have postulated various notions about the
relationship between how character-emotions are portrayed and the emotions actors
experience.
Diderot claimed that actors themselves should not feel any emotions whatsoever in
order to be able to evoke a maximum ofemotion in their audiences. Various contemporary opinions on acting translate this paradoxical stance as the actor's dilemma: How
much should actors become involved with the character-emotions portrayed during a
performance? Within current acting theories, Diderot's standpoint in Paradoxe sur le
Comidiene is mainly recognizable in the detachment theory, which asserts that actors
should nor experience the same emotions as those of their characters. Opposed to this
is the involvement theory, which asserts that actors must indeed experience the emotions they portray in their characters; otherwise the performance will not be believable
and will fail to move the audience. A theoretical analysis ofacting emotions, based on
current psychological emotion theory, has led me to develop the task-emotion theory.
This theory proposes that actors experience emotions related to the actual situation of
live performance. However, these task-emotions will not coincide with the characteremotions portrayed.
The theoretical insights developed in the early chapters were then tested in practice
using the experience of professional actors. Professional actors in the Netherlands,
Flanders, and the United States were asked to complete a questionnaire. They were
asked to choose an emotional scene which they had performed recently and frequently;
their answers were to be based on these scenes. They were asked about their emotional
experiences, the emotions they portrayed, and also about the acting style they applied
in the scene.
Based on the actors' responses, one could simply have concluded that Diderot had
been right all along with his Paradoxe. But this would have perpetuated the same misconceptions that most accepted acting theories are based on. In particular, current act-

,.'

ACTORS HAVE oMOTlONS AN D ACT EMOTIONS

ing theory underestimates or all but ignores the presence of task-emotions in actors.
The ParadoXf and existing acting theories generalize emotions for both actor and character, concentrating on the character-emotions. Actors are viewed from an audience
perspective. These factors foster the paradox. When a distinction is made between the
character-emotions impersonated by actors and task-emotions experienced by actors,
debating the actor's dllemma becomes pointless. This study also made a point of analyzing how emotions are acted on stage from the actors' point ofview.
The results ofthis study revealed that professional actors, in general, did not experience the same emotions as they portrayed in their roles. However, the emotional
portrayal was not completely disconnected from the emotions actors themselves
experienced. It is not the case that actors were devoid of emotion when they were on
stage. The actors who participated in the survey experienced quite specific sets of
emotions in their 'roles' as actor-craftsmen. Professional actors experienced taskemotions ofa positive nature intensely and frequently. These task-emotions appeared
to be very useful in acting and in shaping emotions that were part ofthe character impersonation. These results from theater practice support the premise that the actors'
task-emotions are more important in performing roles than the emotions evoked
through involvement with their characters. The idea that actors should 'keep their
cool' on stage, as suggested by the detachment theory, is also unfounded: Task-emotions are 'hot'. Actors undergo emotions that we do not recognize as such, and they
display emotions chat do not really exist.
In the following sections, the research method used will be evaluated (8.2), the
results ofthis studywill be tested against traditional views on acting, and the task-emotion theory will be explored. Finally, the consequences for the development of acting
theory will be presented. I

8.2

Evaluation ofthe Research Method

The validity of all research is endangered by a lack of clarity in the data and possible
alternative explanations for the results. Field research entails a number of factors
which are difficult to control. The most imponant ofthese will be discussed below.
Due to the nature offield studies, one possible threat to the validity ofconclusions is
that the research population is not a representative sample ofthe target population as
a whole. Clear insight into the size and composition of the total target population
of 'professional actors' does not exist in the Netherlands because no valid system of
registration yet exists. In the United States professional actors are registered as union
members. I have tried to reach as wide a group ofDutch, Flemish, and American professional actors as possible (see 7.2). Although response to the questionnaire was limited
(about 25% among Dutch and Flemish actors and well over ro% among American
actors)2, the more than 300 respondents did belong to the professional group targeted.
Their responses can also be viewed as an acceptable representation ofthe target group
as a whole. This claim is based, among other things, on the knowledge that the Dutch,
Flemish, and American respondents all had at least three years of professional experience (a clear majority have more than ten years experience) and that over two-thirds
had completed a recognized course oftraining. Further, they represented a wide range
'47

ofages, sex, location ofacting schools, language regions, and, in the US, a wide range
ofstates)
Because the study was retrospective, the unspecified experiences or special circumstances of the respondent-actors might have had an unintended effect on the results.
The recollection of emotional experiences during the chosen scenes could have easily
be colored by other experiences or situations. To compensate for these unintended
effects, it was important to focus the actors' choices in such a way that the scenes they
chose would be comparable. Because a premiere would be considered too emotionally
'supercharged', respondents were asked thatrhe performance selected be from among
the last in a production's run. Separate analyses on (relevant) demographic data and
specific circumstances of the chosen performances were also conducted to screen out
unintended effects. Analyses revealed that these factors did not influence the resuhs
(for example, there was no difference between actors and actresses in relation to taking
pleasure in their work). In field research it is impossible to screen out all unintended
factors. It is safe to say that the most important ones have been sufficiently minimized
in this study (see Konijn 1994j and Konijn and Westerbeek 1997)·
Another threat to research validity is using a sample population (in this study the
respondent-actors) that is too small to use as a basis for a variety ofstatistical analyses.
Using the same relatively small sample of actors to conduct many different statistical
tests could have led to inaccurate conclusions that could have been partly the result of
coincidence.4 An important reason to rule out the possibility ofcoincidence in this case
was the consistency ofthe responses. The differences and similarities in results were,
on the whole, comparable throughout the various forms ofanalysis and aspects ofthe
study (for example, a lack of similarity between the portrayed character-emotions and
the emotions experienced by actors was found among both the Dutch-speaking and
the American respondents). The response was consistent on two continents, and also
over a period ofyears: The study was repeated in the US nearly four years after the first
study and the results showed strong similarities.
An important motive for repeating the survey in the United States was that American
actors, in contrasr to those in the Netherlands, are strongly oriented toward an involvement style through training in method acting. Dutch and American drama schools differ
in many respects. One point ofdifference is that theater schools in the Netherlands are
not faculties within research universities, but are part ofthe more practically oriented
polytechnic college system. In the United States, many of the respected drama schools
are part ofa research university. Outside academia there are numerous private or commercial studios. The way 'acting' is taught in the US is frequently based on actors delving into their characters. Exploring personal experience to facilitate a role is widely advocated in the United States and strongly based on method actin,g (Brumm 1973; Hornby
1994). Theater practice in the Netherlands is presumed to be less passionate about
character analysis, while method-acting seems to be less suited to the 'cold, sober
Dutch'. The curriculum ofthe drama academy in Maastricht, for example, is known for
its strong orientation toward technical skills. While conducting the US study (while in
New York), it became clear that, although method-acting remains widely propagated, it
seems less widely reflected in the attitudes of contemporary theater practitioners. For

'4'

ACTORS HAVE EMOTIONS ANO ACT EMOTIONS

example, Lee Strasberg's famed Actors Studio counted 900 members in 1995. Relative CO
the 35 ,000 members ofActors' Equity this not a large number.
The method ofdisseminating the questionnaire via the postal system also involved
a number of risks because it concerned a complex subject and a hard-co-reach target
group. Nonetheless, this was the most efficient way to sUlvey a relatively large number
of actors. Because the questionnaire was structured, answers were gathered in the
same way from all respondents. This had definite advantages in terms of compiling
and interpreting data. In addition, there was no interference from the researcher,
thanks to the anonymity ofthe method.
One problem regarding written questions about emotional experiences was that
words describing an emotion are not necessarily reflections ofemotional experience;
naming an emotion is not the same thing as feeling it.S Analysis revealed that the
emotion-words connoted different meanings in different instances. 6 'Pleasure' when
referring to characters was, for example, different than when referring to actors. Furthermore, the meanings of negative emotion-words seemed to be less ambiguous
than positive emotion-words; negative emotion-words belonged more definitively to
a single category.7 The clear difference in the actors' responses concerning their own
emotions in contrast to the emotions they impersonated, and the consistency oftheir
responses, revealed that respondents clearly made a distinction between themselves
and their roles. This difference between actor and character was underlined by the
clear similarity actors noted between the intended and the portrayed emotions, as well
as by their own emotional experiences before and during the performance. In this respect, the method proved surprisingly suitable for the stated purpose.
The theoretical distinction between involvement and detachment was not clearly
revealed in the sUlvey results. Does this mean that the method used was less suitable
for determining a particular acting style? The responses of professional actors did
seem to indicate a distinction between either involvement or detachment, but it was
not true that actors who indicated a preference for involvement emphatically rejected
the statements associated with detachment, or vice versa. Contrary to theoretical opinions, the acting styles in practice did not seem to clash. Thus, I am more inclined CO
doubt that these styles must be seen as opposing styles, than doubt that they can be
identified using a questionnaire method. I must immediately add that involvement is
more easily measured than detachment. Because the aspect ofacting styles categorized
as 'applying task-emotions' appeared to apply to almost all actors, this might have
blurred the measured effects ofdetachment.
Finally, in hindsight, I wonder whether questions about the acting style ofrenowned
actors was a good indicator for a norm or 'ideal' style ofacting. It is conceivable that the
actors' responses were influenced by publicity and the media. It is widely assumed that
the majority ofinternational film actors are trained in method-acting, an involvementoriented style. This could be the reason that an involvement acting style was attributed
to more 'name' actors, and not because of an ideal image or a prevailing standard for
acting emotions.
All in all, the questionnaire method proved suitable for eliciting responses from
professional actors, and thus has provided valuable insights into the way they shape
'49

characters onstage. This data provided the information needed to solve the central
problem in acting. The actors' responses offered an opportunity to formulate an
important and balanced supplement to the existing theories about acting emotions on
the stage.

8.3

Actors Have Task·Emotions

For the development of a theory on acting emotions, it was important to show that
almost all actors experienced emotions that relate to accomplishing their acting
tasks. It was established that actors experienced a very specific range ofemotions, including challenge, tension , and excitement, which I have called task-emotions. Positive
emotions, which accompany challenge, were expected to be more in evidence during
performance than negative emotions. A majority of actors indicated experIencing
these emotions with a certain degree ofintensity. Likewise, pleasure and tenderness were
cited relatively frequently as actors' emotions during the scenes they chose (although
these had previously been grouped in the category of prototypical emotions and not
with task-emotions). In principle each ofthe emotions can apply to characters and to
actors; depending on what the emotion refers to, the emotion can then be labeled a
task- or prototypical-emotion.
The emotions actors had during a performance were barely, ifat all, connected to the
impersonated characters. This was also true of the emotions that actors experienced
just prior to a performance. By contrast, the actors' emotions during performance were
clearly similar to the actors ' emotions just prior to the performance. This indicated that
for the actor, the emotions on the enactment level of the actor-craftsman were in the
foreground , and that these were connected with the task to be performed. These emotions could also have related to irrelevant personal situations, neither connected to acting tasks nor to the portrayed character-emotions.
In addition, the results established that the actors' emotions persisted after the performance , while the impersonated character-emotions did not. This after-effect, according to Frijda, indicates that the emotion was 'authentic'. In general, there was an
observable tendency for negative emotions to diminish during acting. The intensity of
positive emotions , by contrast, seemed to increase during performance. After playing
the scene, the intensity of emotions felt decreased aga in. 8 This trend in the results
seems to concur with the experiences actors often relate about not being' ready' before
a performance, and the changeover to a condition of 'flow' once the performance
begins ('flow' meaning the feeling of performing at an
optimal 'fluent' level, in top form , in other words). The
The training I received growing up in the
individual in 'flow ' is perfectly attuned w the situation,
sinies i.s often irrelevant in today's thutrr.
and the exertion required to do difficult tasks seems
II 'Salso alarming how few universities pn·
effortless. this is a peak performance situation. One
pare you for the realities ofeveryday life . I've
condition for experiencing 'flow' is that a performance
been in productions where actors/actresses
must be challenging for the actor, and that the chances
'live' the character. That can be lerrifying if
of mastering the situation successfully are in balance
Ihey lose a certain touch wilh reality.
(American respondenl-actor, dated
with the risks of failure {4.6.2).9 Conquering a chalNovember 2.8, 1995)
lenge requires exertion (usually termed as stress or

ACTORS HAVE EMOTIONS ANO ACT EMOTIONS

mental exertion) because concentration must not lapse. lO For professional actors it
seems important to avoid the possible negative effects of stress caused by feelings of
incompetence or lack ofcontrol. Beliefin one's own competence appears to be an important factor.
The negative effects of stress can generally be countered by goal-oriented activity,
whether or not this is directed toward the source ofthe stress. l l Portraying a character
requires goal~oriented activity and the actor's task situation provides the possibility to
I'.Xploit task-emotions, stress, or job tension. This provides an explanation for the posi~
tive nature of emotions experienced onstage. It also becomes clear that the notion of
stage fright, as connoting anxiety or fear, is too negative and narrow. A literal translation ofthe Dutch term stage 'fever', in the sense offeverish excitement, would be more
appropriate. Little research has been done on the positive effects of stress and challenge, but interest has increased in recent years.
Whether task~emotions are 'real' emotions is a subject for debate. Everyday notions
about what emotions actually are often differ from scientific or psychological definitions. Moreover, views on what emotions actually are have changed over time, as we
saw in the discussion of Diderot and Archer (in chapter two),u According to Kreitler
and Kreitler (r972), emotions evoked through 'involvement' are less intense than
'spontaneous' feelings or emotions. Intense or passionate feelings are labeled as
emotions in daily life, although the intensity ofa 'feeling' is not necessarily a feature of
emotion in psychological terms. The defining feature in psychological terms is an
action tendency with control precedence, triggered when interests are at stake. For
Frijda, control precedence is the most specific characteristic ofbeing emotional. Control precedence interrupts other (behavioral) processes and lends extra strength to
'emotional behavior', in the sense ofinevitability or tenacity.'3 In this sense, task-emotions onstage are then 'real' emotions: They are intense and are accompanied by action
tendencies with control precedence. The study's findings that the task-emotions had
an aftereffect, beyond the duration ofthe performance, support this view.
The high intensity ofthe positive task-emotions in actors concurs with the findings
of the emotion psychologist Mesquita. According to Mesquita, situations result in
intense emotions when they involve different interests and when these interests also
involve social sharing. 'Social sharing' means making other people companions to
one's own experiences. 14 The presence of the 'sharing' or warm feelings oftenderness,
pleasure, and eroticism among actors is remarkably great. These feelings could be part of
the social sharing aspects that develop in the relationships among colleagues and in
conveying emotions to audiences.
The actor's task situation in performance with a live audience was analyzed using
Frijda's emotion theory (chapter four). I reasoned that various interests ofprofessional
actors would be at stake, including their concerns about competence, self-image, and
esthetic value. In Frijda's theory, the urgency, difficulty, and gravity ofthe situation are
factors which give rise to intense emotions.15 These concerns and additional factors
are a fundamental part of the meaning structure of the actor's situation (3.5). In line
with this, actors indicated that the scenes they remembered were ones that were important to them. The execution oftasks was therefore a source ofemotion in itself. Simply

'"

carrying out acting tasks for a critical public was enough to arouse actors' emotions.
Which emotions were acted out, and how this was achieved was of no apparent relevance.
The results ofthis study revealed that positive task-emotions in actors were coupled
with action tendencies to approach (like impulses to approach, to 80 fot it, and to overcome
d@cu[ties) which contributed to the generally positive nature of actors' emotions on
stage. These approach tendencies are consistent with challen8e and concentration (3.7).
There was a significant correlation between the action tendencies named and the .clutsy
feeling actors experienced. As for the assumption that positive task-emotions would be
accompanied by excited physical reactions, this proved especially true for the feeling of
excitement with physical activation.
In situations which are unclear, or where various concerns are addressed simultaneously and the course of reaction remains uncertain, action tendencies can consist of
pure excitement. This could, in part, explain why, in general, no strong correlation was
found between emotions, action tendencies, and physical reactions. Frijda (1986: 239)
believes that 'mere excitement' or 'sheer arousal' feels like one is being gripped by
something but does not know what to do. Emotions which are primarily determined by
their object are difficult or impossible to specifY in terms ofa particular action tendency or mode of activation. This is the case with challen8e and concentration. Emotions of
this kind have a marked change in action readiness, but have no characteristic facial
expression and can not be recognized by expressive behavior atone. 16 This is precisely
why task-emotions can have a function in designing character-emotions; by lending
the external form ofemotions the aspect ofreal emotions. I will return to this notion in
section 8.5.

8.4

Actors Act Cha.racter~Emotions

No similarity was revealed between the emotions impersonated in characters and the
emotions actors themselves experienced. There was no direct connection between the
emotions actors portrayed and the ones they felt. The clearest discrepancy between
character-emotions and actors' emotions was seen with negative or unpleasant emo[ions. Negative or unpleasant emotions were frequent and intense in the character
roles, but were hardly present in the actors. The theoretical chapters revealed a preference for the so-called basic or prototypical emotions within character-emotions such

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ACTORS HAVE EMOTIONS AND ACT EMOTIONS

as an,ger, sorrow, and romantic love, which go hand
One ofactor Warre Borgmans' shortcomings or frusin hand with the dramatic preference for contrations is that he is too preoccupied with tuk-emotions:
'While Ireally would like to blend completely with what
flict situations. The character-emotions imperhas to be played, actually fuse with the character (... 11
sonated in the category of prototypical emoused to think, and with experience Ihave learned it isn't
tions corresponded with the emotions intended
completely true, but Iused to believe that great a.ctors or
to be conveyed in the performance. They were
actresses only uperienced that intense stage reality, and
included in the questionnaire precisely because
nothing but that. Now, after talking to them and through
prototypical emotions are characteristic of dramy own nperience.1 know that is not true. And thank
matic roles. Negative prototypical emotions ocgoodness, since Idon't think you could cope if it we~.
curred in the chosen scenes more often and in
(Warre Borgmans in the documentary. A(tcurs spelcn
rmotirs [AClorsActin9 E/IIotions), "PS 19951
greater intensity than positive prototypical
emotions. Character roles contained disgust,
fear, anger, and/or sorrow in 75% of the scenes.
JoY was the least-frequently intended character-emotion (in only 35% of the chosen
scenes) and it seemed to be more difficult for actors to impersonate happy and positive
emotions successfully. I? Each of the prototypical emotions listed in the questionnaire
was cited often as an emotion to be portrayed in the recalled roles. The survey results
were therefore valid for a wide range ofemotions impersonated in characters and for a
variety ofscenes. It also appeared that emotions were not portrayed serially, but rather
in all sorts of combinations. Usually negative or unpleasant emotions are dominant in
character roles and dramatic situations because character-emotions are often related to
threatened interests, goals , or motives.
Acting out character-impulses seems to be an important element in conveying the
intended character~emotions to the audience. This is reminiscent of the emphasis
Stanislavsky placed on evoking impulses which fit the character-emotions. Characters
always 'want' something; they are highly motivated as they strive for specific goals.
Representing action tendencies is also an important source of information for the audience. In as much as the survey revealed a connection between rhe portrayed character-emotions and the portrayed character-tendencies, this followed the same pattern as
emotions in daily life. There was some divergence from the normal pattern however,
because character-emotions were linked to approach behavior, aimed at avoiding or removing the 'obstacle' in the path ofthe desired goal.
Contrary to expectations, task-emotions were also consistently attributed to characters and with a good degree ofintensity, Concentration, (hallenge, andfeelin,g stron,g were
the frequently 'felt' emotions for both the majority of characters and actors. There
was, however, no question ofa significant correlation between the actor and the character concerning emotions in this category (and can therefore not be interpreted as indicating 'involvement') . Furthermore, these emotions in the characters did not relate
to the character-tendencies. In other words, the task-emotions the actors themselves
experienced were on another level than the emotions falling into the category oftaskemotions which were attributed to the character. I did not expect that characters would
'have' task-emotions when the questionnaire was designed; this still seemed implausible upon reviewing the results. It was anticipated that the category of prototypical
emotions would specifically relate to the emotions intended in character portrayals.

These were indeed the emotions that are most often portrayed while performing roles.
It would not be correct to conclude that the task-emotions attributed to characters
were then typical character-emotions. Such a conclusion would also not be supported
by dramatic literature, which seldom mentions these emotions as character-emotions.
While actors did attribute task-emotions to their characters, this might have occurred because characters typically reach their goals in dramatic situations by executing 'tasks'. This type ofemotion in the character context would involve fundamentally
different objects than the task-emotions ofactors. The words listed as descriptions of
emotions cannot as such be put into single, strict categories. The distinction between
a prototypical emotion and a task-emotion is ultimately based on the object of the
emotion; e.g., the pleasure impersonated in a character is of a very different nature
than the pleasure an actor has in performance. As far as the intensity of 'task~emo~
tions' ofcharacters is similar to that ofactors, this cannot be interpreted as a similarity between portrayed character-emotions and experienced actors' emotions, since
the two are not correlated after all. It could be incidental or a by-product of the actor's
task-emotions, independent of the dramatic, goal-oriented behavior displayed in the
character. One explanation in line with task-emotion theory is that actors might have
attributed emotions that fall into the category of task-emotions to their characters
because the actors employed or transformed their task-emotions to portray characteremotions. The task-emotion theory assumes that actors use their task~emotions and
related action tendencies, tailoring them to the particular role portrayaL

8.5

The Function ofTask-Emotions

The way actors so clearly indicated experiencing and using task-emotions gives an
impression of how task-emotions function in shaping character-emotions. In response to questions about the acting styles used, they indicated that the excitement and
pleasure found in acting supported their portrayal of character-emotions. Assuming
that task~emotions play a crucial part in impersonating character-emotions and are
perhaps conditional to believable and convincing acting also does justice to the general
principle of the functionality of emotions. According to current emotion psychology,
emotions are now considered having a function in satisfYing the individual's concerns.
The actors' concerns during performance relate to the acting tasks. Actors therefore
use task-emotions to flesh out character-emotions, transforming task-emotions to
support their characters. Task-emotions do not have characteristic facial expressions
and cannot be recognized by their appearance, but they are accompanied by increased
action readiness. In this way the outwardly 'empty' behavior ofcharacters is sustained
by the actors' own relevant emotions, which creates or strengthens the illusion of
spontaneous character-emotions for the audience.
The actors' task-emotions are activated during performance because the acting situation addresses concerns relevant to their profession. The threat to, or satisfaction
of, at least four relevant concerns - competence, self-image, sensation seeking, and
esthetic concerns - hangs in the balance (chapter four). The most important contributing components to this situation are: Objectivity, reality, demand character, difficulty, valence, urgency, controllability, and familiarity. These components come into
'54

ACTORS HAVE EMOTlONSANOACT EMOTIONS

play as a result of having to perform difficult tasks for an expectant and judgmental
audience.
The actors' task~emotions are generally related to a challenging situation and are
expressed in various positive or pleasant emotions. Character-emotions are generally
related to situations that are threatening for the character. The hypothesis that actors
use, transform, or shape their task-emotions to facilitate role play is supported by the
fact that threatening and challenging situations have many features in common: Only
the components control and valence differ (4.4). Variations in the levels of these two
components account for the difference between threat and challenge. A low level of
control over the situation and negative valence as to its expected outcome lead to feeling threatened. Challenge, on the other hand, results from a high level of control and
positive valence as to the outcome ofthe situation. In other words, beliefin being able
to cope with the situation and the promise of satisrying concerns successfully will
make a situation challenging instead of threatening. The action tendencies resulting
from threat and challenge point in opposite directions when these emotions arise in
real life situations . A feature ofcharacters in dramatic situations, however, is that they
do not avoid conflict and generally confront threats head on. Otherwise the situation
would cease to be 'dramatic'. The actors' responses suggested this, since the most frequently cited impulses for both characters and actors were to ,go for it and to overcome
d@culties. The intensity ofthe tendencies in actors and characters was similar, but there
was no statistically strong correlation between them.
It IS important for the task-emotion theory that the survey revealed a link between
ne,gotive character-emotions and the tendency to approach in characters, just as the
actors' positive task-emotions were, as predicted, linked to approach tendencies. The
characters' tendency to approach an object or obstacle serves to remove or attack it.
These results support the thought that the actors' task-emotions result in action tendencies which pull in the same direction as the characters' action tendencies; approach
tendencies coincide in actors and characters and therefore add extra strength to the
portrayal. It is not precisely clear how actors use task-emotions to shape characteremotions, nor how this possibly relates to audience perception of emotions or taskemotions, nor the way the audience interprets these as part of the character-emotions.
Perhaps we perceive that someone has indeed become emotional. What an audience
perceives of the actors' task-emotions is an increased readiness to take action, an
open-eyed alertness and perhaps a keen focus on a particular goal. We notice attention
fixated on the object ofemotion and the intent ofthe impulse to act.
The broadest division in action-tendencies is between approach and avoidance,
which provide a general indication ofthe underlying emotion. We cannot always judge
what the exact emotion is withour additional contextual
information. When audiences try to discern whether
Whilt on stagt Iwould focus my glanct on
someone really 'has' an emotion, they appear to not pay
a nail in tht sugt floor. in ordtr nOl to sway
attention to the relevant signaIs.'8 Experiments which
from standing perpendicularly.
tested the perception ofemotional facial expression, re(American rtspondent·ac1or, daltd
vealed that test subjects recognized pretended expresHovtmber 19. 19951
sions better than spontaneously aroused emotional ex155

pressions.19 Moreover, audiences mainly deIt seems 10 have become a fashionable phrase: 'To be'
onslage. The arlor is no longer snn as a profenioflal
duce a particular emocioll from contextual intransformer, bUI an acting persOflality. The rharacter
formation: Information about the character's
forms a IrOlnsparenl 'waU' Ihrough which the physiul
goals, concerns, and motives, as well as the sitand spiritual autobiography of the actor sh ines, so to say.
uation they are in and the relationships between
(Tonttl ThtllJOol, September , 996: u)
the characters. General knowledge about emotions and human behavior, and each person's
own experience with emotional expressions in
daily life, contribute considerably to interpreting other people's behavior. Think for example of how convincing cartoon figures or film 'creatures ' like E.T. are when given a
'suitable' dramatic context; all they need are a few human features.
The indications are that most actors do not experience the emotions they act as characters - the point is that they do not actually need to. To be believable, it is important
that the traits and behaviors displayed are consistent with the presented situations,
goals, and motives. This implies that it is more important for the actor (and director) to
insure that information conveyed through various channels is consistent, at least ifthe
aim is to put across believable character~emotions on the stage and not to overly confuse audiences about which emotion is intended. Thus it is important that spoken text,
movement direction , the created situation, and the actor's various means ofexpression
be congruent; that his gait, for example, be just as drunken as his glance. The 'closer'
the medium (for example a filmed close-up) the narrower the margin for discrepancy
and the more precision and detail is desired in minute aspects of behavior (unless the
discrepancy is intentional and intended to induce a degree ofalienation).
The argument was made (in chapter four) that the 'radiance' oftask-emotions can
contribute to the actor's presence, an important ingredient for making acting believable and convincing. But one also begins to wonder precisely how actors achieve or
create presence onstage. Is there a connection between 'flow' and 'presence'? This
study argues that there is and that the link is formed by the right balance between the
required level ofskills and the risk offailure. This equilibrium forms the condition for
an optimal sensation of flow, the illusion professionals give of being able to accomplish obviously difficult tasks effortlessly. We, the audience, often praise a performance precisely because we 'forget' that it is 'make believe' while we were watching.
This compares to the ease with which athletes break records or musicians give great
performances (3 .6). for now, ' presence' can be understood as being the 'personal
radiance' ofan actor, supported by the 'radiance' ofhis task-emotions.
In the context of the theory developed in this book, further research regarding to
what extent task-emotions function in the creation of the illusion of spontaneity on
stage could yield important results. In addition it will be important to study the extent
to which they contribute to the conviction of the performance and the presence of the
performer. Iftask-emotions do indeed play the role I think they do in portraying characters during performance, it then becomes important to take them into accoum wh He
rehearsing the role. The task-emotion theory is mainly a theory about acting emotions
during (] peiformance, while most accepted views all acting concentrate mainly on the
rehearsal process. The accepted theories are mainly methods to train actors and to prepare

ACTORS HAVE EMOTIONS AND ACT EMOTIONS

them for their role in the performance. They are noted for their practical nature and for
their lack of theoretical development. The theater critic, scholar, and actor Richard
Homby, has campaigned strongly against this simation in The End ofActin.g. To him it is
high time that we begin to analyze the art ofacting, and elevate stage acting (back) up
to the level ofa 'high art' form.

8.6

Aspects of Acting Styles

When actors indicated a preference for an involvement style, this was not necessarily an
indication that they experienced character-emotions themselves , as the results of this
study showed. The reverse was also not true: Ifactors indicated having emotions which
were more or less similar to their characters', this did not necessarily indicate a preference for an involvement style. These results are acrually rather surprising since it is precisely this aspect of acting which has for so long been the subject of heated debate. It
renders the controversy between involvement and detachment obsolete. In theater
practice involvement and detachment are probably interpreted and applied quite differently from what the respective theories advocate. This seemed particularly true for involvement, since actors with a relatively strong affinity for this style did not let themselves become so 'carried away' or 'like' the character that they themselves experienced
emotions similar to the character-emotions they were portraying. The acting styles of
involvement and detachment appeared not to be in opposition to each other and it was
not possible to make a dear distinction between involvement and detachment
It has become clear that there is not an either/or situation, but that ingredients of
both acting styles are blended into an acting performance. Instead of involvement
IJersus detachment, there seems to be a general way ofacting, in the sense that there are
corn manly held views about how acting tasks should be executed in designing character-emotions. These views are reflected in four aspects of the acting style, which were
evident in the analyses ofthe actors' responses . Features specific to one style could perhaps be recognized by the degree to which one of the aspects was applied, or thought
to be suitable for a particular production.
The aspects of acting styles which were endorsed by a majority of professional
actors were 'applying task-emotions' and 'applying technical skills' to play their characters. Involvement aspects were applied to
varying degrees. In other words, actors with a
Ithink that it is very misleading to try to classify
predominant involvement orientation found
actors as outw;ard ;and t«hnical versus into it and emotask-emotions and technical skills just as imtional. In my experience the best a.ctors work both UNI~S,
portant as the detachment actors. Within the
;although they start from very djffe~nt positions. Alech·
involvement theory, a command of technical
nically brilli;ant actor has to fill his model wilh emotions.
skills is considered to be less important than
An emotionally full acl.or will have to hne t.he technique
to repeat it when he/she's 801 il, and 10 figu~ oul how he
'getting into' the emotions of the character. In
or she fils inlo the whole produclion. I'll bet Travoll3
practice, however, professional command of
feels his .ole lib cruy dnd knows udcdy how he looks at
acting techniques appeared to be important for
a given moment.
nearly all actors, regardless oftheir affinity for a
(American respondent-actress. dated December 8,
particular acting style. Though there was some
difference in the degree of importance they

attached to this aspect. Depending on the skills required, or the particular circumstances ofthe scene and the production, different aspects can be added or emphasized.
Depending on the form, the genre, the text, and so on, more specific elements of detachment or involvement may be called for. Likewise, the acting style that is applied can
be dependent upon the specific emotions that are to be portrayed. It is imaginable that
more involvement aspects might be applied to playing pleasant emotions, because
these are similar to the task-emotions actors experience. On the other hand, more sorrowful or negative emotions might call for other aspects of,the' acting style. There are
no clear indications for this possibility in the results.
The acting style applied did not seem to be specific to an individual or 'cast in stone' .
Professional actors indicated that their style was determined to a great extent by the director or the company they were with. Different media might also emphasize different
aspects ofacting styles. An involvement style was more often ascribed to (international) film actors than to (national) stage actors, as discussed in section 8.2, though this
need not be attributed exclusively to the medium. All aspects of acting styles were attributed to star actors in relatively strong numbers. Apparently, professional actors
should be in command of each of the four aspects of the acting styles to meet the
demands in a specific production.
Involvement as an aspect ofone's acting style onstage apparently must not be construed as 'identification' , in the sense that an actor would invoke emotions similar to
the character-emotions in himself. Involvement aspects like 'feeling aki n to the character' and 'letting oneself be carried away by the portrayed character-emotions' seemed
to help a number of actors with character portrayal, but actors did not go so far as to
actually experience the emotions they impersonated. It was already mentioned in chapter three that advocates of the involvement theory do not deny the involvement actors
need to design the role technically, but their main goal is immersion in the character.
The task-emotion theory proposes that actors will use their task-emotions regardless
oftheir statements about more specific styles ofacting. The general implication is that
we should interpret involvement and detachment in relative terms. In determining
whether an actor was oriented toward involvement or detachment, this study took this
into account (7.5). Involvement and detachment have thus lost their (original) meaning in contemporary theater practice.
The same arguments for a more balanced view on acting styles during performance
will also be valid for the period of preparation. Each of the distinct aspects of the various
acting styles will be useful to actors during rehearsals. I presume that a number of aspects during the preparation will also be valid for all actors, regardless of specific opinions on style, because several common acting tasks are
found within the various stylistic views. While comparFor me there are tremendo us differences
ing the different views on acting (chapter three) four
between st~ge ~nd film acting. Preparations,
acting tasks emerged which are necessary for playing
style, and feelings while puforming , are very
character-emotions. The acting tasks are related to task
different for me .
requirements and are apparently the same for all actors.
(American respondent-actor, dated
The first task is to design an inner model as a basis for
December '9, 1995)
building distinctive character-emotions. The second

task requires an actor to be able to re(Dutch) director Guy Cassiers collaborates frequently with video
peat these within a more or less agreed
artist. Wailer Verdin. who made the slide projections for An~eh in
AmeriCG. De pijl VGn dr tijd, produCl!d in 1994 by the Kaaithut re in
form. A third task is to make the porBrussels, ustd his video im~es as antagonish for the actors. Using
trayal ofa character-emotion believable
advanced
techniques, computer-driven projections, and sensu-sound.
and convincing. Finally, the actor's
Cusiers developed a new theater languagt. Ht has a nOI;cuble
fourth task is to create an illusion of
preftrence for film sctnarios or novels insttad of theatrical scripts.
spontaneity and presence.
He blends art forms, rtnrwing and enriching the thealer. His ntw
I suspect that different aspects of
post (as artistic director of the RO Iheater in Rotterdam EK) will
the different acting styles serve differhopefully not dettr him from this deve lopment.
ent acting tasks. In this way, involve(I'farian Buijs on IhultrmakrrGuy (anitrs, de Volhkronl. June
'3. 1 997)
ment aspects such as 'feeling like the
character' and 'getting carried away by
the character-emotion' can help design an inner model in the rehearsal phase. According to the involvement theory these
aspects are also necessary for the believability and the repeatability of the portrayal of
character-emotions <chapter three). Advocates ofinvolvement find the acting style aspect 'external or technical design' subordinate for the accomplisment ofthe acting task
'repeatability of the portrayal' throughout many performances ; with advocates of the
detachment theory or the task-emotion theory, the reverse is true. The task-emotion
theory proposes that making character-emotions believable and convincing is mainly a
matter ofsending coherent signals and information through various channels. The illusion of spontaneity, according to the task-emotion theory, depends less on invoking
the actor's emotional experiences, and more on having presence. The 'radiance' of
task-emotions probably plays an important part in this. In other words, the acting style
aspect of'applying task-emotions' seems to relate to the fourth acting task.
There will be slight differences among actors in the degree of importance or suitability they attach to each of the acti ng tasks or aspects of style. During preparation,
differences in acting methods will become visible as shifts of accent, emphasizing a
particular aspect of style. This as a result ofdiffering opinions as to how an actor can
best achieve his tasks. The general view that involvement in characters is important
during rehearsal, possibly refers to designing the inner model. Involvement can provide the necessary insights into emotions. One important condition for being able to
evoke emotion by using the imagination is that actual situational components do not
put relevant concerns at stake. For instance, during a performance, the actors' actual
task concerns in the acting situation would prevent them from 'reliving' characteremotions. While acting in 'concern-free' situations, which can exist in a rehearsal , it
is possible to evoke 'emotions' through involvement techniques. In section 4.5 it was
noted that 'involving oneselfin emotions' actually means 'involving oneselfin emotional situations'. The question of which emotions belong to the character is thereby
translated into questions about his goals, motives, and concerns; his relationship
with hjs surroundings and co-characters; the relevant components in the dramatic
situation and the possibilities the situation offers, to the character, to reach his goals.

figure 8.1: AModel of the Acting process Based on the Task-Emotion Theory
O'l

C

levels ofenactment

(I)

private person

(2)

inner model

act ing style aspects

task demands far
eueuti ng aeti ng tasks

acting tasks

carried away by
character-emoti 0 ns

knowledge of everyday
emotions

creating a model ofthe
intended character-emotions
in the imagination

resemblance between
actor and character

--.

su itability and f1exibil ity
ofthe eltpressive instrument

(3) character portrayal

technical design

--.

making character·behavior
automatic

repeat a more or less
filted form

(4) actor-craftsman

applying task-emotions

achieving presence

creating the illusion
of spontaneity

--.

--.

portray believable and
convincing emotional expressions

The levels are interrelated and ordered hierarchically. The first level (.) is the most basic and this forms the basis for building the higher levels. Completing acting tasks and the skills
demanded on the fourth level (4) depends on comp letingthe tasks and skills on the previous leve ls . Feedback on eve')' leve l influences adjustments on other leve ls. During a performance audiences will perceive the different levels ofthe acting process as an integrated whole, wh ile the actor is more or less conscious of operat ing on four levels simultaneously.

ACTORS HAVE EMOTIONS AN 0 ACT EMOTIONS

Perhaps, acting styles could be better contrasted along lines other than their handling
ofemotion (which is not excluded by the above). Acting is, after all, not just limited to
portraying character-emotions. One might even question whether this aspect IS still a
predominant one in contemporary theater. Many theater forms prefer conveying ideas
or concepts instead of depicting specific character-emotions. Experimental theater
forms, in particular, often emphasize design aspects. One also finds art forms where
elements ofvisual arts and music are combined to form multimedia art. In this kind of
experimental work, new rules govern conventions or aspects of the acting styles to
achieve certain effects in the audience.

8.7

A Model of the Acting Process

The theoretical and empirical analysis ofacting emotions onstage offers the chance to
bridge the gap between views in diverse theories and views in theater practice. In figure
8.r the various aspects ofacting discussed in this book are brought together in a model
ofthe acting process, based on the task~emotion theory. The levels ofenactment for the
actor and the emotional layers are related to the four aspects ofacting styles and to the
task demands or the acting tasks.
On the first level of enactment, in figure 8.r, the actor as a private person can let
himself be carried away by character-emotions through involvement. Learning about
emotions from daily life is a necessary task requirement in order to form a model ofthe
intended character~emotions in the imagination. On the level of the inner model, the
second level of enactment, the resemblance between actor and character supports the
suitability of his expressive instrument, which must be flexible in order to portray believable and convincing emotional expressions suited to the inner model. On the third
level ofenactment, the level ofthe portrayed character, technical design helps to make
character behavior constant, achieving a more or less fixed form which can be repeated
throughout a series ofperformances. Although various approaches to acting implicitly
agree on these four acting tasks, they differ in the way the actor reaches an optimal per~
formance. Discussions and differences between the various acting styles become clearest when interpreting the fourth acting task and the accompanying task demands: How
to create the illusion ofspontaneity and achieve a quality ofpresence.
r. According to the involvement style ofacting, the actor would have to invoke his
own private emotions, which resemble those of the character-emotions to be por~
trayed.
2. According to the detachment style ofacting, a convincing portrayal of character~
emotions requires that the concerns, goals, and motives of the chatacter are made
clear to the audience, as well as the demands that the dramatic context makes on the
character. The illusion of spontaneity is achieved through the technical design of the
character's behavior.
3. The acting style of self-expression seeks the illusion of spontaneity in achieving
presence by presenting the 'real life' experience ofthe actors themselves; the character
is adapted to the actor to assist the expression ofthe actor's 'inner self'.
4. According to the task-emotion theory, the actor achieves presence by shaping (or
transforming) the exiStlng task-emotions and the 'radiance' of his task-emotions and

,6,

related action tendencies. These existing emotions support the illusion of spontaneity
and 'real' character~emotions. This is the point where the task-emotion theory provides greater understanding and insight into acting.

The illusion of spontaneity. In light of the preceding arguments, how can the continued
persistence of the idea that the illusion ofspontaneity can only be achieved if the actor
is carried away by character-emotions be explained? There are several possible explanations for why actors (and spectators) exchange or confuse the authentic emotional
experiences the actor has onstage with the character-emotions he impersonates.
I. The notion oftask-emotions is not a common view. For this reason, the existence
of task-emotions, and their accompanying (physiological) phenomena can be interpreted, or rather misinrerpreted, as experiencing character-emotions.
2. The act of imitating or impersonacing emotional expressions provokes physiological activation. This 'excitement' can be attributed to, or experienced as, an effect of
becoming involved in character-emotions.
3. To deduce what emotions are happening in others, we, as observers, must trust
the sincerity of emotional expressions. Emotions carry information about concerns
and motives for individual behavior and provide information about relationships .
When an emotional expression looks real, we assume that it is real, that the emotional
expression is rooted in an authentic emotion (we have to trust our feelings, since we
wouId not otherwise know when we were being mislead) . An analysis ofacting is usually conducted from a spectator perspective.
4. The fourth explanation for this exchange or confusion is that accepted acting
theories do not make a clear distinction between rehearsal and performance. During
rehearsals it can be helpful to invoke private emotions in order to become immersed in
Spontaneous (a) facial expression of
happi ness (with a spark of posedness?) of
actor Felix-jan Kuypers, directly after the
performance Om de liefde van laurentia, 1997.

ACTORS HAVE EMOTIONS AN D Acr EMOTIONS

character-emotions. By looking for similarities between him-Iherself and the character, an actor can gain insight into real life emotions which may help him/her create an
inner model ofthe intended character-emotions. During a peJj"onnance, however, the demands of the actual context - acting in front of an audience - prevent the actor from
losing himselfin character-emotions. In studying the acting process, it is important to
separate illusion from reality. Every drama school knows that illusion can actually become a dangerous reality. Beginning actors have experienced problems, even trauma,
because they can no longer separate fiction from reality. In some fairly extreme cases,
some actors have required psychiatric treatment.
Rehearsals also need to be distinguished from live performances. Most existing
acting theory describes a rehearsal method to reach an accurate portrayal. These
methods barely touch on acting in performance. To develop an acting theory it is vital
to demystifY acting; this book attempts to establish a poim of departure for this project. Although the task-emotion theory is limited to acting emotions on stage, the theory is, in principle, also valid for disciplines where no emotions are portrayed. After all,
the specific demands of performing for an audience are pivotal to every performing
arts discipline; public performance is one ofthe most enervating and demanding situations for anyone - in emotional terms. Craftsmanship is fundamental to every artistic
profession. The pleasure of performing is, in part, based on commanding this risky
undertaking. That goes for anyone who stands in the spotlight.

,6,

Notes

Chapter,
1.

Original: 'C'est I'extreme sensibilite qui fait les acteurs mediocres; c'est la sensibilite mediocre qui fait la multitude des mauvais acteurs et c'est le manque absolu de sensibilite qui
prepare les acteurs sublimes' (Diderot 1959: 313).

2.

Original: ' ...il y a dans la langue technique du theatre une latimde, un vague assez considerable pour que des hommes senses, des opinions diametralement opposees, croient y reconnaitre la lumiere de I'evidence' (Diderot 1959: 3°5).

3. All references to the actor, he, or him also apply equally to the actress, she or her.

Chapter 2I.

In 1747 R. de Saint-Albine's Le Comidien appeared, in which it is stated that an actor should
acmaJly experience the emotions of the character. Fr. Riccoboni takes an opposing view in
L'art duTltiatTt (1750). In the same year in England, The Actor appears, anonymously (but likely
written by John Hill); it seems to be an edited translation of1.<' Comidien with the 'emotionalist' view. The work Garrick ou les Aeteurs Anglais by Sticotti (1769) would be a new version, translated back to the French, to which Diderot reacts (Tort 198o). For extensive bibliographical
information see further the journal Diderot Studies (from 1949 to present) and the substantial
bibliographical overview ofpublications about Diderot by EA. Spear compiled in 1980 (su pplement 1988). In addition one can find extensive bibliographical information with accompanying texts in, among others, Chouillet (1977) and in a completely different way in Morrier
and Mat (1985) . Chouillet is more akin to biography, while Mortier and Mat sketch a picture
of Diderot and

231

of his contemporaries with a thematic description of their work. Wilson

(1961) seems to be a well-respected source for biographical data on Diderot. In, among
others, Wartofsky (1952), Wilson (1961), Hazard (1973), and Verheek (1978; 1980) one finds
descriptions of Diderot's philosophical views and also Oustinoff (1971) provides information on the work ofDiderot.
2.

The last round of the discussion between the speakers in Paradoxe sur le Comidien can be
explained by these flukes. Here Diderot claims to have seen only one or two perfectly performed plays: •...a mediocre piece and mediocre actors' (1985: II4). After all, Diderot refers
many times to the few sublime moments ofDumesnil and the debuting actresses (e.g., 1985:
52, 54), besides speaking repeatedly of his disgust about what he sees on stage (1985: 100,
102-104, lIl).

I therefore do not share Hogendoorn's interpretation (1985: 30) that Diderot

NOTES

may doubt the validity of his own extreme paradoxical standpoint or that this can be considered as a 'traditionally rhetorical' finish.
3. Roach (I981, 1985), Rovit (r989), and Hogendoorn (r985) reduce the many arguments to two
main ones. Binet (1896) and ViIliers (r94z) distinguish six and seven main arguments respectively, in Diderot's Paradoxe, whereby many arguments are more or less similar. Nearlyall
ofthese, however, can be classified under one of the two main arguments named by Roach.
Hogendoorn places the separate argument for professional experience cited byVilIiers under
his first main argument.
4. Original: 'I'une: une actrice, toute d'erude et d'art; l'autre: une actrice, toute de temperament' (GoncourtI9II: I-Z).
5. For a further discussion of character portraits of idealized types see Barnett (r987: I39),
Rougemont «(988), Fischer-Lichte (r983), and Jomaron (199z).
6. See Dumesnil (1823: 53).
7. Discussions of French acting styles in the eighteenth century can be found in Burgund
(1931), Szondi (r984), Roach (1985), Bamett (1987), Rougemont (1988), and Jomaron
(199 z).

8. The theater historian Barnett (1987) mainly gives examples of the declamation rules. He
describes these in detail, so that contemporary actors can make the style their own.
9. Diderot's ideas about the genre mieux are first expressed in his Entrrtiem (Diderot 17571,
according to Mortier and Mat (I985).
ID.

Diderot in Szondi (1984: 38).

11. See for example Hazard (1973: I963), Kimble and Schlesinger (1985), and Pott (r9zz: zo).
1Z.

As appears from the words he puts in the mouth of The Nephew of Rameau (176I), among
others. See for the temperament doctrine for example Verbeek (1977) and Kouwer (1978).

13. While Diderot is radically opposed to the man·machine concept he does acknowledge the
possibility of mechanical or automatic processes, but man as a mere pre·programmed
machine - no: 'Diderot sees clearly that nature is a process, not a machine' (Barzun 1986:

ZI). In Paradoxe sur le Comidim and The Dream Df d'Alembert, which are from the same period,
Diderot's ideas about the unity of body and spirit are clearly expressed. For Diderot, man is
definitely nota machine, there can be no doubt about that when he appeals to the readerwith
the words: 'Aie toujDurs present it I'esprit que la Nature n'est pas Dieu, qU'un homme n'est pas une

machine, qu'une hypothese n'est pas unfait' [Have always preseme of mind since Nature is not the lord,
man is not a machine, a hypothesis is not a fact] (Didero[ 1753: z8). Nevertheless, the man-asmachine view, following Descartes and LaM:ettrie, is often ascribed to Diderot (e.g., Hogendoorn 1985: 19; Roach 1981, 1985). Roach for example writes that Diderot distances himself
from Cartesian dualism, but continues to use the man-machine terminology in reference to
Diderot. That Diderot rejects the man as machine idea is most sharply expressed in 'RiffiJta"
tion de l'oLlvra/le d'Helvetius intituli De I'Homme'

(l77z),

a criticism of the work of Helvetius

[1715.1771]: •... in his treatise De I'Homme Diderot cried out: "I am not a machine! J am a man
and want causes adequate to man.''' (Banun 1986: 19). Along with Verbeek I am therefore
surprised that Diderot's views are repeatedly mentioned in a single breath with Descartes'
mechanism and dualism (Verbeek 1978: IlZ). Interesting, concise essays with various views
can be found in Wanofsky (195z) and Vartanian (1983).

",

14. Roach says it as follows: 'Thus the diaphragm, though a principal organ ofsensibility having

close ties to che mind of an average man, can be isolated in the bodily system of the .genius'
(Roach 1981: 63).
IS, Diderot himself: '. " Ia sensibiliti uraie rt la sensibilitijouie sont deux chosesfort dUfirentts (oo .) Us
images dn passions au theatre n'en sont donr pas les uraies ima.g€s' (Diderot 1959: 357; 1985 : 58).
16. Ehrard in Chouillet ([973 : 390). See for definirions of che French term 'nature' at the end
of che eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century Calzolaci (1984), Chouillet
(1973: 390), Hazard (1973 : 387), Verbeek (1977 : 12) and Barzun (1986).
17. See for the meanings ofthe term 'sensibilite' Verbeek (1980: tI7).
18. The French word 'ideal' refers here to the imagination and not to the Dutch and English term
'ideal' or 'ideally', Iwill therefore use the term 'inner model' instead ofche more literal translation 'ideal model' (as in Konijn 1994).
J9. Loy (in Nakagawa et. al., (984) suggests that a translation of the terms is often impossible
and that they muse be recreated, but that even that results in inaccuracy and moderniz3cion .
Calzolaci points out the importance of positioning within a (philosophical) historical context, but I do not share the conclusion he finally makes: 'le grand comidien n'existt que dans ujew
lin,gulst1que infini' [The great actor exists only in this endless linguistic,gome] (1984: 126).
20. Regarding the dilemma of the actor, for example, Emmet (1975), Consranrinidis (J988),
Rovit (1989: 6), De Leeuwe (1981), and Worchen (1984).
21. In Brook (J968: 131). further, Brynner in Chekhov (1953: 10), Fink (1980), Brook ([968: Il3114) and Rovit ([989) .
22. The five levels which Passow (1992: 85-86) distinguishes are extensions of rhis. The level of
the audience. which Passow adds, is not included in the study.
23. Concerning characcer-emooons, a distinction can also be made berween the emotions which
are indicated for the character, according to a specific incerpretation ofthe text, and the emotions which are, in che end, portrayed in the performance. 1presume that the emotions indi·
cated as belonging to the character, according to an interpretation of the text and/or the
author, will be handled during rehearsals and that the choice to present certain emotions is
part ofthe intended emotions or the 'modele idial'.

Chapter 3
I.

2.

~.

A number of authors and practitioners are combined under a single acting sryle due to the
context of their statements from which it can be concluded that they mean more or less the
same thing, especially concerning the emotions of actor and character. Disregarding their
poinrs ofdifference is noc to suggest that these are insignificant, but that they req uire a more
subtle description than the aim ofthis study demands. The many interpretations ofthe work
of Stanislavsky illustrate this point (see Kesting !989, Lazarowicz 1991 , Flaherry J990, and
Strasberg 1988).
Literature on the involvement style of acting: Stanislavsky ([985; 1989; 1991), Strasberg
(19 88), Worthen (1984), Hogendoorn (I985), Constantinidis (1988), Kesting (J989), Flaherry
(1990), Lazarowicz (1991), Lazarowicz and Balme (199J : 256-27°), and Pelias (199J) .
One can argue here that the work An Artor Prepares (1985; 1936) belongs to Stanislavsky's early
work (and moreover has been 'Americanized' by Ms. Hapgood; Stanislavsky Congress Paris,
November 1988), bur in his later work as well the 'highest goal' for him remained to arouse
166

NOTES

personal emotions analogous to those of the character (Stanislavsky 1989; 199I). Extensive
study and practice are necessary, according to the later Stanislavsky, 'in order that at a later
stage the emotions ofthe actor are automatically sincere and lifelike' (I9gI: 14). It is principally the tactical method to achieve this which he developed further. Moreover An Actor

Prepares is the best known and most used work in the practice oftheater.
4. Pavlov did an experiment with a dog, in which he combined feeding with the ringing of a
bell. After a while, the mere ringing ofthe bell caused the dog to react by salivating. Roach,
among others, refers to this arousal ofan automatic reflex by means ofconditioning (1985),
after psychological use. Strasberg too refers explicitly to the conditioning ofactors, following Pavlov's lead.
5. In Schechner (Ig64) and Barba and Savarese (I991).
6. Literature on the style of detachment: Brecht (Ig67-Ig68), Lazarowicz and Balme (Ig91),
Hoffmeier (lg92), and Savona (I9gI).
7. See Brechr(lg67: 3I2).
8. See Meyerhold (Ig22), Rudnitsky {Ig8n, Picon-Vallin (1990), Bogdanov (lggI), Braun (lg94),
and Pesochinsky (1992; translated by Drannikova and edited by Konijn, forthcoming). As
with Stanislavsky, there are more interpretations of Meyerhold's views on theater. Many of
them are limited to his 'biomechanical exercises' (e.g., Gordon 1974), which are only a small
part ofhis work - these are intended as tools for shaping and training the actor's instrument.
g. Constantinidis (lg88: 70) also points out that potentially real personal feelings in the actor
will not per se influence the reaction ofthe audience.
lOo
II.

Acomparison between dramatic roles and social roles may be found in Konijn (lg8S).
The similarity between Kirby, Hogendoorn, and Constantinidis is that character in the traditional sense disappears from view. Hogendoorn speaks in this context of the autonomy of
acting (1978: 137), Kirby of'simple acting' (I972: g), and Constantinidis of 'hypnotic', 'bewitched' and 'ecstatic acting' (1988: 75).

12. Many forms ofthe style ofself-expression ascribe to the opinions ofGrotowski and Artaud;
here we combine the various movements and nuances, because all consider 'the expression
ofthe self' a central feamre.
13. Rijnders in Freriks and Rijnders (1992: 30).
14. In Schechner and Appel (lgg0: 30).
IS. Respectively in Hogendoorn (1985: 34), Rovit (Ig89: IS, 94) and Watson (1988: 310, 311).
16. Hogendoorn also states that the double consciousness is made up of different components
in the different theories ofacting.
17. In Villiers (1942: 195, 202-209).
18. In Grotowski (Ig68: 142) and also in Brook (Ig68). In Barba (1991) the distjlJed form contains 'extra daily techniques'. VilIiers speaks in this context of 'the phase ofclarification of
the character' (1942: 144) and Constantinidis ofthe 'prompt-copy subsystem' (Ig88; Ig86).
Ig. In Grotowski (Ig68: 133-224).

20. Comparable statements can be found in Roach (1985: 133, 151) and VilIiers (1942: 173; Ig68:
14,3 6).
21. See Hoffmeier (1992) and Lazarowicz (199I).
22. In Stanis!avsky{1989: 247, 252; 199I: 55)·
23. In Brook {1968: 32-34, 64)·

'"

24. In Stanislavsky (1989 : 209; 1991: 203).
25. Bishop (1988: 122, 123) discusses how the theories of Stanislavsky, Brecht, and Grocowski,
among others, all have the concept ofpresence as a common foundation.
26. It is noteworthy that precisely the capacity to 'leave behind an unforgettable impression' is
the most important criteria to determine the highest rank ofactors in the collective (bargaining) contract for professional actors in the Netherlands (personal communication with
League ofTheater Company Directors, 199 I).
27. For example Roach (1985).
28. Respectively in Barba and Savarese: 'direct the spectators attention' (1991: IIO), Brook (1968:
108) and Grotowski (1968: 199).
29. Schoenmakers (1986) did a study of the reception process using the film Opname, a film by
the Dutch theater group Het Werktheater about a man who becomes incurably sick. The
study shows that the stronger the experience of grief in the spectator, the greater the score
for appreciation ofthe film.
30. In Esslin (1987: 78) . Also in Brook (1968: 123-124).
31. This remark requires to mention that acting has little to do with lying (see also Kirby 1987: 7,
8). The intention to lie is the insincere deception ofthe 'spectator' (the communication partner in a social context), who is unaware of the deception (see Ekman 1982). With acting, on
the other hand, the intention is to achieve an effect in the spectator within a theatrical context, from artisric motives. In this sense the actor is sincere: Doing his best to offer the spectator what he came for (drama!) . The spectator is aware ofthe level ofillusion in the presentation (though there are some borderline cases which can be cited from theater history; see
Schechner in Schechner and Appel, 1990: 23). He comes to be 'misled' and usually pays for
it. No one has ever paid to watch a liar.

32. See Tan (1996: 77-81).
33. See for example Schechner and Appel (1990: 27). In a recent study the different perspectives
on perceiving a character are systematically expounded (Konijn and Hoom, 1999). Konijn
(1999) shows evidence that theater spectators experienced empathy and task emotions
equally, but identificatory emotions hardly played a role.
34. See the interdisciplinary studies ofHoorn and Konijn, (1999a) 'Perceiving and experiencing
fictional characters: Theoretical background (part 1)' .and Hoorn and Konijn, (1999b) 'Perceiving and experiencing fictional characters: Building a model (part 11)'.

Chapter 4
1.

The elaboration ofemotion theory in this chapter is largely based on Frijda (1986; 1988) and
Tan (1996). Frijda (1988) develops the formulation of 'the laws of emotions', which are not
yet found in The Emotions (1986) . The emotions ofspectators will only be handled summarily
from the perspective of cognitive emotions. Audience emotions are handled extensively by
Schoenmakers (lg88; 1990; 1992), Tan (1996), and Van Vliet, although these concern mainly
film viewers . Hoom and Konijn (1999a; 1999b) present an integrated interdisciplinary model
ofthe spectators' perception and experience offictional characters.

2. In Baker (1919 : 46) and Schoenmakers (1989: 33).
3. Freriks in Freriks and Rijnders (1992: 56). See also Hoffmeier (1992).

168

NOTES

4. Regardingcompetence see Frijda (I986: 320-322), Lazarus (1980), Zajonc (1965), Zajonc and
Sales (1966), and Bond & Thus (1983; also in 3.5.3). Kuypers and Bengston (1983) discussed
the importance ofan adequate 'role performance', 'the capacity to adapt', and 'experienced
mastety' in relation to the concept ofcompetence.
5. This concerns here the studies ofLatane and Harkins (1976; 1981), Konijn (I992.), Bond and
Titus (1983), Jackson and Latane (1981), Bode and Brutten (1963), Weisweiler (1983), Konijn
(1991), Zuckerman et al. (1980), Piet (I986), and Frijda (1986: 347 - 349).
6. For a general discussion ofthese concerns, see Frijda (1986: 349).
7. A discussion of the components for the general human emotions in daily life is found in
Frijda (I986: 205 - 208).
8. See also Folkman, Lazarus, Dunkel-Schetter et a!. (1986), Lazarus and Folkman (I984),
Lazarus and Folkman (1988), Parkes (I984), McCrae (1984), Schulz (1987), and Gallagher
(199°)·
9. See Frijda (1986: 207) on 'demand character'.
10. See also Lazarus and Launier (1978), Lazarus, Kanner and Folkman (1980), Lazarus and
Folkman (1984), and Folkman and Lazarus (1986).
11. This poses an interesting question. We often associate challenge with a situation, or use the
term to describe a situation. There are however actually no 'objective' situations which are
'challenging'. Situations are only challenging in as much as the evaluation of situational
components results in the situational meaning structure (thus, including individual concerns) conesponding with 'challenge'. This is, in turn, dependent upon the ability ofa person to cope with the situation and the estimate of the potential reward (the satisfaction of
source concerns). In most English literature, challenge is then discussed as an emotion.
12. See Larsson (1989).
f3. See Vagi and Lefcourt (1988), Hammond and Edelman (199Ia).
14. See Allred and Smith (1989: 257).
15. According to Csikszentmihalyi (1988).
16. See Csikszentmihalyi & Csikszentmihalyi (I988: 30), and Csikszentmihalyi (I988: 34; 1975l.
17. See also Frijda (I988: 353), Tan (,1996: 90, 93), and Csikszentmihalyi (1988). Also compare
Piet (1986).
18. In Tan (1996: 82,83).
19. See Frijda (1986: 441).
20. See Arnold (1960), Frijda (1986: 457), and Lazarus (1984). Meanwhile, there is some empirical support for the relation between emotions, situational components, and action tendencies, though there is scarcely any research. In Frijda, Kuipers, and Ter Schure (1989: 219) a
separate action tendency and a unique linear combination ofsituational features was established. This concerns significant relationships, though the correlation between 'appraisals'
ofthe situational components and the action tendencies are generally not vety strong (Frijda
et al. 1989: 225; also Smith and Ellsworth 1985, Scherer 1988, and Mesquita 1993).
21. In Frijda (eta!. 1989: 214, 215; also chapter 4 in Frijda I986) the following action tendencies
with challenlle are found (and which have been used in the above text and sometimes slightly
altered): 'Approach: I wanted to approach, to make contact'; 'Reactant: I wanted to go
against an obstacle or difficulty, or to conquer it'; 'Exuberant: I wanted to move, be exuberant, sing, jump, undertake things'. Action tendencies with threat are, 'Don't want: I wanted

'"

something not to be so, to not exist'; 'Avoidance: I wanted to have nothing to do with something or someone; to be bothered by it as little as possible, to stay away'; 'Disappear from

view: I wanted to sink into the ground, ... , not to be noticed by anyone'. (frijda et al. 1989:
214,215, 222; also Smith and Ellsworth 1985; Scherer 1988). These were starting points in
formulating the action tendencies in the questionnaire (6.7).
22.

See Frijda (Frijda 1986 : 78, 240, 459, 471-2).

23. See Frijda (1988: 354)·
24. The theater maker can sometimes also be an actor himself; the word 'theater maker' is used
in the broadest sense.
25. See Ekman (1982), Ekman and Friesen (1982), and lzard (1992).
26. See Konijn (1991).
27. These studies are described in Konijn (1992).

Chapter 5
r.

In psychological research this is usually limited to six basic emotions: Sadness, anger, disgust, love, surprise, and happiness . About basic emotions see for example Izard (1992),
Ekman (1982), Ekman et al. (1983), and Mesquita (1993: gl).

2. See Souriau (1950), Beckerman (1979), Fischer-Lichte (1983), Polti (1990), and Laffont
(1960).
3· In Frijda (1988 : 352; 1987) .
4. See Brecht (1967-1968 : 392).
5. Likewise, the rejection of the rise of bourgeois drama in the eighteenth century was due to
the portrayal of morally 'bad' characters and 'bad' morals (Szondi 1984; section 2.2). See
also, for example, Diderot (1758) on the representation of the (moral) goodness and good
characters on stage. Likewise, Dutch audiences reacted very emotionally to the so-called
Fassbinder-atfair in 1988, when the performance Dirt, the City and Death (Fassbinder 1975 Der

Mull, die Stadt und der Tod) was about to be presented. The performance was canceled in the
end because the texts of a Iewish character and the deeds he committed were too great an
attack on people's values.
6. In Schoenmakers (r989: 110-113).
7. See Frijda et aJ. (Ig89 : 214-215) .
8. I will continue to use the term 'involvemenr' when the distinction between empathy and identification is not at issue as well as in reference to the process referred to in acting theories as
'involving oneself' in the character, in the sense of 'taking over the character-emotions'
(Schoenmakers 1992). The Dept. ofTheater, Film, and Television Studies at Utrecht University has,

during the last few years, devoted a great deal ofthought to empathy and identification

in audiences of'theatrical products'. For research on 'involvement' see Schoenmakers (1988;
1990), Van Vliet (1991), Zillman (1991), Tan (1996), and Hoom & Konijn (1999a).
9. Respectively in Frijda (lg86 : 215) and Tan (199 6: 174).
10.

Compare with self-other-distinction in Stotland (1969), Van Vliet (1991), and Tan (1996).

II.

The reason for this lies in the fact thatthe use offilm, as compared to a theater performance,
simplifies research: Afilm can be repeated endlessly in exactly the same form.

12. See Frijda (1986; 354- 355)·
13. This is the simplest conceivable form ofidentification (Tan 1996: 153-156, 189-190).

'7 0

NOTES

14. See Koriat et a1. (1982). Compare also Davis, Hull, Young and Waren (I987), and Van VHet
(19gI).
IS. Also in tang (1979), Lang, Kozak, Miller, et al. (lg8o), and Lang, Levin, Miller, and Kozak
(1983).
16. In Archer (1888) and Gladfield (lg83).
17. Comparable processes are described by Frijda (1986: 309) and Lange et a!. (I980; 1983).
18. See Frijda (1986: 328); compare Diderot (1985: 58). An 'imagined emotion' can actually arise
quite suddenly. For example, a certain scent immediately brings memory X to mind, including (the desire for) the 'feeling' associated with X. The scent is however an actual stimulus
for memory and aroused emotion (which is probably ofa different nature).
Ig. See Sonnemans (19gr: 216).
20. In Frijda (1986: 53-54), Goffman (1959; 1974), and Snyder (lg74)·
21. The imagined emotional experiences, resembling the character-emotions, are more like
'feelings', even though they can be very intense. About distinction between feeling and emotion, see Frijda (1986: 463"466).
22. See Gombrich (lg70) and Van Meel (1989).
23. Research on the recognition of emotion in facial expression is found in, among others,
Richter (1957), Frijda (1958), Ekman (1982), Wallbott and Scherer (1986), Frijda (1986),
Wallbott (I988), and Ekman (1989). In this kind of research, the test subjects are usually
asked to choose the correct one from a restricted number ofemotion words.
24. See Frijda (1986: 57).
25. Relatively little research has been done on recognizing emotions on the basis ofvocal indications (voice) (Scherer r986; Bezooijen 1988). Scherer attributes this largely to numerous
methodological stumbling blocks involved in phonetic research, as well as to the lack of a
systematic and consistent measure for results (Scherer 1986: 143). Listeners usually judge
the intended emotional expression, ofrecorded 'gibberish' (read by actors) correctly. No difference was found between judging 'faked' and 'spontaneous' emotionally loaded spoken
text. To date, no specific relationships between phonetic features and emotions have been
established (Bezooijen 1988).
26. In Frijda (1958: 84).
27. See, among others, Hess, Kappas, McHugo et al. (1989) and Hess and Kleck (1990).
28. Research by, among others, Stern and Lewis (lg68), Wallbott (1988) and Bloch et al. (Ig87);
see chapter 6.
29. See also Ekman et aJ. (1983); Bloch, Orthous, and Santibafiez-H (1987); Bloch (lg8g) and
Levenson et aJ. (1990).
30. See for example De Jong (1981) and Frijda (lg86).
31. Similar results in Weisweiler (1983) and Konijn (1991; 1992) with actors, like the self-arousal
results in the placebo group ofSchachter and Singer (1962).
32. See lillman and Bryant (lg74), lillman (1988), and Reisenzein (1983).
33. Techniques such as for example Fourier's spectral analysis ofa phasic heart beat response.
See among others Kamphuisand Frowein (1986), Grossman and Wientjes (1986).
34- Also Frijda (1986: 239) says that the physiological feedback ('muscle twitches or autonomic
upset') probably offers the most direct signals ofcontrol precedence and urgency, and thus
ofintensity ofan emotion.

."

35- See Hilgard (1977), Kihlstrom (198S), and Fewtrell (1986).
36. See Hilgard (1977), Kihlsrrom (1985), and Mellor (1988).
37. According to the social facilitation and inhibition theory, see Zajonc (1965), Sanders (1983),

and Bond and Titus (1983).

Chapter 6
1.

See, amongorhers, Emmet (1975), Bleijswijk (1992), and Konijn (1994)·

2.

Binet (1896) sees here a confirmation ofJames' peripheral feedback theory (explanation in
section 5.7).

3. See Schiilzky (1980: 127).

4. In ViIliers (1942: 150-170).
5. Although Schiilzky and Sloman (1972) do not place their findings in a theoretical context.
6. A more detailed discussion ofthis can be found in Konijn (1992).
7. This concerns only an indication because the limited number ofactors in the srudy did not

allow for statistical analysis, see Konijn (1991; 199z).

8. ' ... that people high on cognitive complexity are low on projection oftheir own responses to
others, (. ..) they can readily put themselves in the other's place (rather than put others in
their own place)' (Koenig and Seamon 1973: 561).
9. See Koni;n (1992) . An extensive discussion of Perky's (1976) study can be found in Kanijn
(19 88).
10. According to Collum (1977) .
H.

According to Hammond and Edelman (1991a).

12. In Natadze (1962).

13. According to Frijda (1986), see chapters 4 and s·
14. Literature on the choice of research methods: Selltiz, Wrightsman, and Cook (1976) and
}udd, Smith. and Kidder (1991).
15. For recent developments in emotion research see, among others, Lazarus and Folkman
(1984), Frijda (1986), Cacioppo (1990), and Ekman & Davidson (1994).
16. On 'asking questions' or 'test design' see, among others, Stelltiz, Wrightsman, and Cook
(1976: 2.9LI, Hoogstraten (1979: &11, Dillman (1979), Emans (1990), and ludd, Kidder &
Smith (199')'
17. For target groups and sample populations see: Cook and Camp bell (r979: 70).

18. The VNT (Theater League of the Netherlands) is the organization in the Netherlands concerned with employment issues concerning theater in the Netherlands, including negotiating collective contracts. But they also have some difficulty determining whether an actor
can be called professional or not. Criteria are not unambiguous, but also not easily replaced by others. The criteria used in this research have been based on discussions with the
VNT.
19· See Konijn (1994) .
20. It must be pointed out here that it is more common in America than it is in the Netherlands
for an actor to act on stage as well as in film and television (although this is changing rapidly) . American actors who work mainly in film and television, and seldom onstage are usually
members ofanother union (Le., Screen Actors Gui Id) .
21. See, among others, Davitz (1969) and Frijda, Kuipers, and Ter Schure (1989) .

Nons
22.

The complete Dutch version ofthe questionnaire is included in the appendix ofActcurs Spelen
Emotics (Konijn 1994). In this edition, to save space, neither the American nor the Dutch
questionnaires have been included; instead an overview of the questionnaire and descriptions ofthe questions included are summed up in section 6.7.

23 . In the Dutch questionnaire the answering caregories are numbered from one to four. I used
the numbers zero to three in the American questionnaire because zero more clearly indicated
that the option referred to 'not at all'. In chapter 7 it can be seen that, apparant!y, this did not
matter for the results.
24 . A more detailed scale would in this case cause problems with the interpretation (among

others, Selltiz 1976). Moreover, a scale with an even number ofanswering categories (in this
case four), to some extent limits the tendency ofpeople to choose the middle or average answer.
2.5. The questionnaire is available on request from Boom Publishers (Amsterdam, NL) or the

Dept. ofTheater, Film, and Television Studies, Faculty ofArts at Utrecht University (Utrecht,
NL).
2.6. Because actors (like most people) are unfamiliar with the concept of task-emotions, these

were called professional emotions in the questionnaire.
Chapter 7
1.

Twenty-seven ofthe American questionnaires appeared to be from actors who had chosen a
scene from a film they had acted in. This group of 'film' actors was too small to use for
responsible statistical analysis. In as much as I performed some statistical analyses on this
group, the results did not diverge much from the rest however. In general, I refer to the
reseafch report. Aeteurs Spclen Emoties in Amerika (Konijn and Westerbeek 1997), for detailed,
numerical data on the results from the actors in the United States.

2.

Actors with less than three years ofprofessional experience were not included.

3. The sum ofthe percentages is more than

100% due

to overlap: A number ofactors attended

more than one school.
4. For detailed information on the statistical analyses see Konijn (1994) for the Dutch and
Flemish actors; and Konijn and Westerbeek (1997) for the American actors.
5. Although asked specifically to choose a scene from a recent performance, some ofthe American actors filled in the questionnaire based on a performance from (very) long ago; some·
times even as fur back as the sixties. The actors who chose a performance from before 1985
were not included, because these were considered too long ago for accurate recall. This
reduced the number of American respondents to

180

persons. The presentation of the re-

sults is based on this group.
6. For the Netherlands compare the data in Attema (1992).
7. For every word describing emotion the horizontal axis reveals how many actors found the
emotion not applicable as a portrayed character-emotion (a score of 0), and how many actors
found one ofthe emotions named applicable to at least a limited extent (a score ofI or more).
These figures, given in percentages, therefore do not take the intensity of the emotion into
account.
8. The reported emotions, individually named, were divided into four groups corresponding to
the theoretical categories conceived for the questionnaire: The main categories prototypical
'73

emotions (proto) and task-emotions (task), were each subdivided into positive emotions
(pos) and negative emotions (neg).
9. The discussion here concerns the individual emotions. For the results on grouped emotions
(e.g., about the quality of these measurements as scales) see AclwTS Spelen Emolies (Konijn
1994) for the Dutch and Flemish results. For precise data and results ofthe American statistical analyses see Arteurs spelen emoties in Amerika by Konijn and Westerbeek (I997).
10. Because the comparison is only relevant if a particular character-emotion actually was portrayed, only the actors who portrayed that character-emotion were selected. For details see
tables and statistical data in Konijn (1994) and Konijn and Westerbeek (1997).
II.

For details on the analyses ofthe acting styles and the four aspects ofacting styles, see Konijn
(I994) and Konijn and Westerbeek (1997). The cortelations between the (aspects ofthe) act·

12.

ing styles do not exceed .40.
The results of statistical tests show a very low correlation between the portrayed characteremotions and the actors' emotions just before the performance, lower than when compared
during the performance (see Konijn 1994, and Konijn and Westerbeek 1997).

13. For the comparison of separate action tendencies, a selection procedure was also followed:
Only ifan actor portrayed a certain tendency in the role, was this included in the analysis (cf.
note 10). For comparisons on a larger scale, see Konijn (1994) and Konijn and Westerbeek
(1997)·
14. The statistical data is induded in Konijn (1994) and Konijn and Westerbeek (1997).
15. The principal component analysis on the action tendencies offers no foundation for an unambiguous subdivision ofaction tendencies for actor and character (Konijn 1993). That the
relationship between emotions and action tendencies is considerably more complicated
than was suggested here is confirmed by, among others, Frijda, Kuipers, and Ter Schure
(1989). Certain negative emotions also provoke specific types of approach behavior which
are comparable to 'moving against' impulses in Frijda et a!. (1989).
16. Jusr as with the calculation ofthe correspondence between emotions and impulses, here too
only the results of the comparison of the separate items are presented. For the information
per group we refer to Konijn (1994) and Konijn and Westerbeek (19971.
17. Note that 'at the present moment' for the Dutch actors was the spring ofI991, while for the
American actors, itwas the winter of1995.
18. It is odd that the majority ofstudents attending drama schools are female, while in the professional theater men predominate, among characters as well as among actors.
19. The significant difference is determined by comparing the average on the involvement scale
(combining two aspects) with the average on the detachment scale (combining two aspects).
Although the difference is significant, and thus meaningful, the difference is relatively small
in absolute terms. Involvement in the US is subscribed to somewhat more strongly than in
the Netherlands and Flanders. For detailed information see Konijn (1994) and Konijn and
Westerheek (1997).
20.

In the assessment ofrhe acting styles oftop actors this means that the analyses were limited
to separate statements (thus, not with a measurement scale) (see subsection 8+ 3 in Konijn
1994). This reduces the reliability ofthe tests, which means that the results have to be interpreted cautiously.

'74

NOTES

21. For tlte results of tit is comparison for the Dutch situation, refer to table 8.9 in Acteurs Spelen
Emoties (Konijn 1994). The corresponding table for the American situation is included in
ArteutS Spelen Emoties in Amerika (Konijn and Westerbeek 1997). A complicating factor in the
analyses oftop actors is that the respondent-actors did not answer the question in reference
to the same top actor, but everyone chose their own favorites, which in all but a few cases
were different.

Chapter 8
1.

The empirical data is partly at odds with accepted theoretical views and this provides a supplement. In the following sections the suitability of the analytical concepts for developing
more subtle acting theories will be discussed. The results obtained will be described and explained within the context oftile task-emotion theory and adjustments made to that theory.

2.

The relatively low response in the US can be explained by a series of circumstantial coincidences . Due to serious printer delays in New York, the mailing was greatly delayed. The questionnaire was finally mailed just before the Thanksgiving holidays and Christmas season when
the postal service is especially slow. Due to financial limits I also used bulk mailing rate to cut
costs . I only realized later that bulk mail has no priority and gets held up along the way. A
postal strike also added to the delay. Questionnaires were still being delivered mid-January.
The cover letter said the questionnaire should be returned before Christmas! In February questionnaires were still coming in with excuses for the delay and a comment that the survey had
just been received by some ofthe participants. Add to that the fact that at least 10% no longer
lived at their registered addresses. So, considering all the circumstances, I may not complain.

3. This data is comparable to the data on actors with at least three years of professional experience in Attema's study (1992).
4. This is particularly true with the great number of comparative statistical analyses for the
average differences and correlation of two variables. Some specific features of the results
moreover contribute to the risk ofdistortion in the statistical analyses and conclusions. One
of these elements is the obliqueness or skewness of the responses. For example, not every
emotion was present in each role, thus there were a relatively high number ofzero-values in
the response.
5. See Frijda (1988a: 246). Separate emotion-words appear to be ambiguous indicators for one
specific emotion.
6. See Acteur5 Spelen Emoties (1994) for the data on Dutch and Flemish actors, as well as the research report Acteur5 Spden EmQties in Amerika by Konijn and Westerbeek (1997) for the data on
the American respondents.
7 . The reactions to negative emotion-words are easier to group into coherent categories for different instances than the positive ones.
8. See Acteurs Spden Emoties (Konljn 1994) and Acteurs Spelen Emoties in Amrrik" (Konijn and Westerbeek 1997).
9. About 'flow' see Csikszentmihalyi (1988; 1975)·
10. Lazarus proposes that challenge is distinct from threat in the area of the person's ability to
conquer the potential threat or risk ofthe situation (Lazarus and Folkman 1984). The feeling
ofcontrol appears to be one ofthe determining factors in being able to cope with stress factors in daily life (Kobasa 1979; Gal and Lazarus 1975).
'75

II. See Gal and Lazarus (1975).
1Z. See also Pott (1992).
13. See Frijda (1986: 459, 472; and section 2.8).
14· See Mesquita (1993: 147)·
15. 'Emotional intensity may be assumed to be a function of stimulus intensity or of the gravity

of the eliciting events' (Frijda 1986: 290). The gravity also depends, in part, on the temporal
or spatial proximity of the meaningful events, the urgency, and because different concerns
are involved.
16. In Frijda (1986: 73)
17. Because the correspondence here with intentions, the intended emotions, is weakest.
18. This was studied by the psychologists Hess and Kleck (1990; 1994) and Shields (1984).

I9. When the dynamics of an emotional expression became visible in a film, audience recognition increased considerably as compared to static photographic images (see also section
4. 6).

,,6

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the vascular theory ofemotion. Psychololliwl Review, nr. 3196, 395-416
Zajonc, R.B., and S.M. Sales (1966) Social facilitation of dominant and subordinate responses.

journal ofExperimenlal Sodal P~y(holo,gy, 2, 160-168
Zarrilli, Ph. (1990) What does it mean to 'become the character': Power, presence, and transcedence in Asian in-body disciplines ofpractice. In: R. Schechner and w. Appel (eds.). By means

of peiformance, pp. 131-149. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Zarilli, Ph. (ed., 1995) Aetinll (Re)con~idmd. London/New York: Routiedge.
Zillman, D. (1988) Mood management: Using entertainement to full advantage. In: L. Donohew,
H.E. Sypher, and E. ToryHiggins (eds.) Communication. social connition and affect. HiIIsdale,
N.r.: Erlbaum.

Zillman, D., and J. Bryam (1974) Effectofresidual excitation on the emotional response to ptovo·
cation and delayed aggressive behavior. journal of Personality and Sodol Psychology, 30. 782-791
Zuckerman, M. (1979) Sensation seekin,g. Hillsdale, N.l.: Erlbaum
Zuckerman, M. (1988) Behavior and biology: Research on sensation seeking and reactions to the
media. In: L. Donohew, H.E. Sypher, and E. ToryHiggins (eds.) CommuniWlion, social WlInition
and affict, pp. 173-194. HiIIsdale, N.l.: Erlbaum
Zuckerman, M., M.S. Buchsbaum, and D.L. Murphy (1980) Sensation seeking and its biological
correlates. Psycholollical Bulletin, 88, 187-214

'9'

Appendix

Figure 7.19: Comparison of Character-emotions and
Actors' Emotions concerning the Accompanying
Action Tendencies (NL =the Netherlands, including
flanders).

IMPULSES DURING ACTING in us

IMPULSES DURING ACTING in NL

Actor ~e rsus charac1er

Actor .... 18 rsus characuu

,...-------r--,

cQr~I""on:

to attack

l

•
to bur$\ 001

.

'OCty

.12

.OII

.43"

tg apptoac::h

.411-

'0 ~ug

.34'

".

,30"

.05

..r

10 cry

to run .way

~'-"

.14

tocaren

.37"

to approach
to hug

to Q~8fCOrrMt I:mftcuhlea

,25

to :lIng dance, etc.

.05

,40"

m go for 11
10 sing, dance, II!Ilc.

,50"

to lau:g-n

.45··

10 mOY8

,16

,:10

.45-

1omov.e

,1'

o
Acto'

rohl.lr1

.02

tagofortt

...)C...

,25

.08

.08

to laugh

COnltlalJcn:

r-----:---r--,

.08

.

I

to attack

.22

.~

.;

to run lllway

figure 7.20: comparison of Character-emotions and
Actors' Emotions concerning the Accompanying
ACtion Tendencies (US = the united States).

---...-

0.5

1

CM~.acrl!!'r

....~_..J .ZO"

to do oomelhlrl\i. buI who17 '--

o

.....

0.5

,

Cl\arCJC1~r

1.5 2

2.5

3

Irrtensity

ExplQnOlion: To the left ofthe figure, fifteen words describing emotional impulses or action tendencies are listed. The dotted line indicates the average intensity ofthe impulses of the actors during the performance. The solid line indicates the
degree to which these impulses were portrayed in characters on stage. The lines linkthe averagevalues per line describ·
ing an action tendency. The averages lie between 0 (no! at all applicable) and 3 (applicable to a very great eident).

'93

Figure 7.21: Physical Reactions Accompanying the
AClors' Emotions Ouring Performance (Nl).

Figure 7.22: Physical Reactions Accompanying the
Actors' Emotions ouring performance (US).

PHYSICAL REACTlONS DUAlNG NmNG in us
"~n ....,

--::::o-

""o"_nt r-

pet'Cenlag_:

.::.IM~t<O<\ .. g.

95%

85"
b)ushlng

~

.. blu.tlln;

4111
87%

" hot hud

50'4

•

.. sweBtlng
1urnlng pale

61%

-hot_

,., ting ling

.. bun.rfll.. In stomach

41%

011%

~ngllng

41%

ss'!,

• tears

7Q%

49%

.. bU1lelrlU•• In atomlch

59\".

73%

... sweBting

73'1.

pa~

03\\

lUrnlng

24'!,

dry lllroal

51"

dmKoully In tlreathlng

34\\

15%

30%

42'1'.

~\\

\t"embllng h,,,,..

47'1

ohoklng knMo

_king knMo ' - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - '

o

0 .5

1

~ · _~8;.agedac'oss-.a" 3dO~~- · 1

1.5

2

2.5

o

3

Intensity

'--+

..:..-

0.5

avltra9fJd ac:ro!i'5: ;;Ill at:ror<3 .

- J 2911

1.5

2

2.5

J

Intensity

Explanation: To the left ofthe figure, fifteen words describing physical sensations that might accompany particular
emotions are listed. The line indicates the average intensity ofthe physical reactions for those actors who reported to
experience any ofthem. To the right ofthe figure the percentages are given for how many actors in the sample indicated
that they experienced the sensation. It is only for these actors that the line lin ks the average values of physical reactions.
The averages lie between 0 (not at all applicable) and 3 (applicable to a very great extent).
An * indicates the phr.;ical sen5ations associated with excitement.

194

Glossary

Acting styles .
Style qfdetc(hment: Style ofacting which rejects identification ofthe actor with the character. This
style is most strongly associated with Brecht.
St~le

of involvement: Style ofacting which aims to present character-emotions in such a way as to

achieve the illusion of' truth ' or' reality.' The actor himself should not be visible in the portrayal
ofthe character. This style is associated with Stanislavsky.
Sty le of self-expression: Style of acting in which the expression of the inner selfand of the actor's
authentic emotions is ofcentral importance.
Acti g styles, aspects of: On the basis of statistical analyses, four separate aspects of acting
styles were distinguished: (1) 'Letting oneselfbe carried away by the character'; (2) 'experiencing
a similatity between the actor and the character' ; (3) 'applying task-emotions' and (4) aspects relating to the 'technical design'.
Acting tasks: The tasks of an actor during a performance. These involve, among others, giving
believable and convincing expression to the inner model.
Actor-craftsman; See levels of enactment
Actor's dilemma, the: The question as to what degree the actor's emotions correspond to those
ofthe character portrayed. To what extent may an actor lose his head ifhe acts with his heart (and

vice versa)?
Action tendencie (impulses; inclinations); A change in the readiness to take action (Frijda,
1986: 69"73) a tendency, inclination, or impulse to refrain from taking action. An action tenden-

cy is directed toward a change in one's relationships with others or with one's environment with
the aim of receiving specific satisfaction for a specific concern. An emotion is chatacterized by,
among other things, a specific corresponding action tendency.

Arousah Physiological activation, physical excitement.
Basic emotions: See Prototypical emotions

195

Character-emotions: The presentation ofa character's 'emotions' as portrayed by the actor in
the performance. Character-emotions are the realization of intended emotions on stage in performance.
Cognit ive theory of emotion: Emotion theory as formulated by, among others, the Dutch
psychologist, Nico H. rrijda (1986), in which cognitions are primary to the emotion process (as
opposed to the peripheral feedback theory) . In this theory, emotions are considered as functional expressions ofthe individual in reaction to his environment, aimed toward furthering his interests.
Concerns: Desires, needs, passions, and personality traits. The emotion process (according to
Frijda) revolves around, as it were, looking after these concerns.
Contextual components: Characteristics in a situation that determine which sort ofemotion will
arise. In addition to the core components, contextual components determine whether it is possible
to take action in a given context and how difficult it might be to do so. This action will be directed
toward benefitting personal interests. The task situation ofthe actor on stage involves two important contextual components: Controllability or lack thereofand familiarity or lack thereof.
Context evaluation (See 'diagnoser' in the emotion process in Frijda 1986 : 454) : The situation
or event is evaluated in order co judge whether the person can cope with the situation and, subsequently, what action he can best take. This judgment signals the main contextual components
and determines which emotion will arise.
Controllability: Concerns the actor's capacity to cope with the demands of the situation. Controllability (or lack ofir) is a contextual component in the emotion process .
Control precedence (in Frijda 1986: 471-2): When feelings , thoughts, impulses, or actions corresponding with emotions, which have been evoked or have arisen, take precedence over other
thoughts, feelings, impulses, etc. which were intended or are being expressed. Refers 'to general
control ofaction in the organism: interruption ofother activities, preoccupation and persistence
ofactiYity.. .' (Frijda, 1986: 472)
Core corn pone nts: Determine whether the hean ofa simation is potentially favorable or harmful to the concerns ofa person.

or the many different features in a situation, there are only a few

which are meaningful in respect to one or more concerns. Only jfa situation contains some of
these meaningful features, can we say that this situation has core components which cause emotions to arise. For an actor in the acting situation there are six important core components: Ob·
jectivity, reality, valence, demand characrer, difficulty, and urgency.
Demand ch a racte r~ To command attention by addressing concerns and because the event, person or situation is ofimerest (Frijda 1986: 207). Demand character is the core component in the
emotional process which corresponds with interest, wonder, or curiosity, but also with concen·
tration and challenge.

GLOSSARY

Detachment: see Acting sty le detachment
Difficulty~ The

demands made on the actor are generally great as far as the task is concerned,

but the situation itselfis also a difficult one in terms ofrealizing personal concerns. Executing a
complex task such as acting emotions in a theater performance while one or more people watch
generally leads to stress or tension. Difficulty is a core component in the emotion process.
Dou ble co nse iou 5 n('s5 (didoubltment): To get wrapped up in emotions corresponding to those of
the character emotions being portrayed, while simultaneously controlling them.
Emotional layers: Emotions which can be distinguished at each level ofenactment: The private
emotions ofthe actor as private person; the task-emotions of the actor as craftsman; the intended emotions according to the inner model; and the character-emotions as portrayed in the performance.
Emotions: functional expressions of the individual's reaction to the environment. Emotions
serve personal motives, needs, or concerns with respect to pleasure and pain, attraction, and rejection (according to Frijda 1986).
Empathy: refers to the source concern of'interest in the well being offelJow men' or concerns of
'closeness and connection' and 'intimacy', or with the need to sympath ize (Frijda 1986: 215; Tan
1996: 156). These concerns can in part be traced to a specific sensitivity toward the suffering or
needs in others, provoking caring behavior. Unselfishness or empathetic emotions include pity,
compassion, taking pleasure in the misfortune ofothers, sympathy, admiration, and fascination
(see also Identification and empathy ).
Familiarity: unknown-familiar is a dual (contextual) component in the actor's task situation.
The professional actor is familiar with the piece, with what he has to do, with his fellow actors,
and so forth. At the same rime, [here are significant unknown factors like audience composition
during a given performance, the course of events in a particular performance time-frame, and
the alertness ofthe actor, his colleagues, technicians, etc.
Flow: The right balance between the risk of failure and control of the situation which results
in experiencing the execution of tasks as though happening by themselves, as though accomplished in a fluid movement. flow stems from a balanced relationship between challenging
(risky) elements ofa situation and the required skills.
Ideal model: see Inner model
Identification; A process through which the obselVer arrives at the same emotions as those of
the observed other. 'Those processes by which the subject places himself in the situation of the
object and, in so doing, experiences the same emotions which he or she supposes the object to
have' rSchoenmakers 1988: 142) (see also Identification and empathy).

'97

Identification and empathy: Terms within the category of 'involvement' which are used interchangeably. Empathy and identification are themselves not emotions, bur processes by which to
arrive at qualitatively comparative emotions between individuals. Both processes have in common that the condition ofanother, as the object ofemotion, becomes parts ofthe emotional experience ofthe observer. The most notable difference between empathy and identification is the
separation (with empathy), respectively absence ofseparation (with identification) from oneself,
as the observer, and the other. (See also Identification and Empathy).
Impulses ;See Action tendencies
Inner model (modete idial) : The (portrayal ofthe) character as imagined by the actor.
Intended emotions: The emotions corresponding to the inner model. These are the emotions
(ofcharacters) as the actor aims to portray them . A mental image of the way the actor wants to
depict the character-emotions on stage.
Involvement: See Acting style involvement as well as Identification and empathy:
levels of enactment Four levels ofaction can be distinguished from the actor's viewpoint:

(1)

The actor as private person; (2) the actor as actor-craftsman; (3) the inner model (modele idial) or
the idea of how the character will be; and (4) the character as presented by the actor in performance. The spectator will, in general, perceive all four levels ofenactment as one composite.
Method acting: Method to achieve a high degree of involvement of actors with character"emotions; a method within the category of the involvement style. Method acting was developed by
Strasberg on the basis ofStanislavky's ideas.
Modele ideal: See Inner model
Peripheral feedback theory: In this theory, physical phenomena are seen as the primary input
ofthe emotion process; first the physical reaction occurs, then the emotion

(l

shiver, thus I am

afraid). Also called the Tames-Lange theory. The peripheral feedback theory stands in opposition
to the cognitive emotion theory.
Physiologicaf feedback theory: See Peripheral feedback theory
Private emotions: The actor's private emotions belong to the general human emotions as they
appear in daily life.
Prototypical emotions (basic emotions): The most eypical character-emotions are connected
with conflict situations such as despair, anger, revenge, hate, fear, jealousy, revulsion, but also
with love, eroticism, tenderness, pleasure, and happiness. Such emotions which are specific to
dramatic characters and are comparable to what in psychological literature are called basic or
prototypical emotions.

GLOSSARY

Reality: An essential core component for the emergence ofan emotion: 'The emotional involvement varies with the degree of reality. (... ) A situation can be relevant in principle, but only as
play, in fantasy or in the abstract' (Frijda [988: 352). For the emergence of 'real' emotions to
arise, the situation must be judged as 'real', as having a high level of reality, and conceens must
really be at stake.
Regulation: The suppression or masking ofemotional aspects experienced as negative or inappropriate. In daily life, regulation is often an unconscious process (according to Frijda) . In the
acting process , regulation involves the conscious use ofaspects oftask-emotions to support the
portrayal ofcharacter-emotions. In acting this is called shaping.
Relevance evaluation (see 'comparator' in the emotion process in Frijda J986: 454}: The situarion or event is appraised in order to determine whether concerns are at stake. This appraisal
determines whether or not an emotion will arise.
Self·expression; See Acting style self-expression
Source concerns: Refer to general concerns and motives related to desired situations and goals
(among others, safety and competency).
Stage fright (le trac, Lampenjieber) : A kind of impatient nervousness prior to role interpretation
which usually disappears quickly (Villiers 1942: 148; 209) .
Su rface concerns: Refer to the specific concerns related to concrete goals, persons, and objects
(fo r example the comforts ofhome); often the concrete form ofmore general or abstract source
concerns.
Task-emotions: Emotions which stem from the level of enactment of the actor as craftsman.
Task-emotions are emotions connected with executing acting tasks on stage.
Task-emotion theory: Psychological approach to acting in which the actor is considered an
actor-craftsman - as someone who does his work in a certain way, under specific conditions. According to the task-emotion theory, the actor does not experience the emotions ofthe character,
but the emotions which are related to executing the acting tasks themselves, namely in the situation ofa public performance.
Urgency: One of the core components which scores high for the actor. The audience wants to
see the performance right now; there is a need to act immediately since later it will be toO late.
Urgency assessment (see 'evaluator' in the emotion process in Frijda 1986: 454) : The intensity
ofthe emotion is determined by how serious, urgent, and difficult the situation is. The more serious, urgent, and difficult, the more intense the emotion.

'99

Valence (a step in the emotion process in Frijda 1986: 190, 207; after Lewin 1937): Emotional
value deriving from control and che expectation that source concerns can be satisfied, as well as
the chance for appreciation and success, make this a positive core component in acting. When
the actor can transform the risk offailure into success, then the situation takes on positive emotional value (positive valence corresponds with attraction, negative valence with aversion).

100

List ofIllustrations

Chapter 2
palJe 23 : The text is copied from an original page in a manuscript of the Paradoxe in P. Verniere
led. 1959) Diderot: OWl/m Estnmque Paris: Gamier Freres. The portrait of Denis Dlderot,
which is assembled through the text, is a drawing by Garand made in I760 after a portrait
that Garand painted earlier, but which has been lost (see H. Dieckman's 'Description of a
portrait' in the series Diderot Studies JI, eds. O. Fellows & N. Torrey (1952), Syracuse University
Press).
pa,g1 27 : Drawings of the ' I8 th Century acting style' by G. Austin (I806) in D. Barnett (I987,
appendix: pp. 543-4) Tlte art of gesture: rite practi{l~s and primiples of 18th C. actina, Heidelberg:
Winter.

paae 32 : Photograph ofthe actress Chris Nietvelt as Lulu in the performance of the same name of
Theater Company (NL: ToneeIgroep) Amsterdam in co-production with Theater Company
De Tijd, directed by Ivo van Hove, season I988-1989, from the archive ofToneelgroep Amsterdam .
page, 2; Photograph ofthe actress Kitty Courbois as Medea in the performance of the same name
ofTheater Company [NL Toneelgroep] Amsterdam, directed by Gerardjan Rijnders, season

1988-1989, from the archive ofToneelgroep Amsterdam.

Chapter 3
page 37: Photograph of Konstantin Stanislavsky in K. Rudnitsky (1988, p. 38) Russian and Soviet

thwter 19°5-193 2. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd.
paae 40 : Photograph of Bertolt Brecht in Zurich 1949. In: K. V6lker (1976, pp. 224-225) Bertolt
Bmltt, Eine Bio.grajie. Munchen , Wenen: Hanser Verlag.
p01Jt 42: Photograph of Jerzy Grotowski in P. Brook (1987, p. 39) The shifting point. New York:
Theater Communications Group.

pa,g144-45: The ' masks created solely by the facial muscles' are taken from J. Grotowski (1968, p.

71) Towards 0 poor tlteater. Holstebro, Denmark: Christensen & Co.
page 51 : Photograph ofPeter Brook in P. Brook (1987, p. 166) The shiftin1J point. New York: Theater
Communications Group.

10'

Chapter 4
paBt 74: Graph ofan actress's heart rate while in rehearsal and in performance, reprinted from E.
A. Konijn (1994, p. 98) Acteurs Speten Emotitl [Actors Act Emotions] . Amsterdam: Boom.

page 78: Photogra ph ofthe actor Fred Goessens (left) and the actresss Sigrid Koetse and Catherine ten Bruggencate (right) in the performance Andromache ofToneelgroep Amsterdam, di rec"
ted by Gerardjan Rijnders, season 1990-1991, archive Toneelgroep Amsterdam . The acting
style in the performance was grafted onto the French Classicistic style of performing.

Chapter 5
paBe 97: Spontaneous (a) facial expression of disgust (while smelling a vile mixture) of actor
Felix-Jan Kuypers (actor at Theater Company The Amsterdam Woods). Photograph taken by
E. Koniin, July 1997.

payt 97: Posed (b) facial expression ofdisgust ofactor Felix-Jan Kuypers, while being asked to act
his reaction to smelling a vile mixture. Photograph taken by E. Konijn, July 1997.

Chapter 6
pOBe 121: One page copied from a completed and returned questionnaire ofone ofthe professional American actors who responded to the survey (anonymously) .

Chapter 7
paye 125-137: The figures in this chapter and in the appendix are created by the author.

Chapter 8
paye 152: Cartoon by Johan Hoom, February 22 , 2000.
pOBe 162: Spontaneous (a) facial expression of happiness (with a spark of posedness?) of actof
Felix-Jan Kuypers, directly after the performance Om de Ijifde van Laurentia [Fortlu love ofLouren-

tia] ofTheater Company The Amsterdam Woods, directed by frances Sanders 1997. Photograph taken by E. Konijn, July 1997.

101

Index

abstract acting 18, 96
accomplishment, (peak) performance 68,
IOg,156

Meren en Emoties 14

Aeteurs Spelen Emolies 14
acting performance 36,56,124, I25, 130

acting process 47,73,126, 129, 134, 158,

,60

activation (physiological-) 74,76, 118,

137,162
actor-craftsman 33,51,54,94,150,160,

'95
Actor's dilemma (see dilemma ofthe actor)

"

actor's emotions (see also task-emotions)

1I2, Il3, 154, 193, 194

acting situation 47,71,74

Aclors' Equity 19, ll5, 149

acting style lIO, Il7, 123, 131, 140, 143, 149,

Aclor~Studio

154,157,160,195
acting style during performance 142

actual context 58,163
address data bases Il5

acting style during preparation 142

after the performance 150

acting style, personal versus top actors 140

alertness 73,77,155

acting styles (styles ofacting) 3°,36,41,

37,149

amateur actors 17,31, IIO

45,46,84
- detachment 39,46

Andromo,hr 78,83

- involvement 36,46,84,86

answer categories 117

- self-expression 41,46

answer possibilities Il7, u8

anonymity II4, 149

acting styles, aspects of 157, 160, Ig5

anti-emotionalist 21,30

acting styles, views on 158

approach, impulse to 71,83,9°,92, ll8,

acting tasks 47,48, 51, 52, 60, 136, 157,
159,160,195

13 8 ,15 2,155
Archer, W. 30,!O5

acting theories 52,131,133,161

arousal 57,74,76,98,99,152,195

acting training 1I0, IS8

aspects of styles ofacting I32, I59

acting, styles of{methods of) 18, 36, 45,

ASlutlcor Named Df5irr 18
attention (division of-) 101, 151

4 6 , 124,195
action readiness 70,71
action tendency 57,58,59,7°,71,72,83,

90,96, Il3, Il9, 137, 152, 155, 169, 195
action tendency 'to go for it' 71,138

'0'

audience (public) 33,34,37,39,41,42,44,

46,48,5°,53,142,143,155,160,162,

,68
authentic emotions 41,98,150,151,162

authenticity 5°,95,96,98,1°5
automatic behavior I02, 161

components 64,65,67,81,88,155,196

avoidance tendencies 71,83,9°,92,118,

concerns 57,58,59,61,80,85,154,196
concerns ofthe characters 80,81

'3 8

concentration 38,63,67,69, 1I9, 151

conflict situation 80,153
balance 68, ISO, 156

connection 129, 139

Barba, E. 41,50,77

Constantinidis, S.E. 16,53,85

Barnett, D. 27

context components 64,196

Bar2un, J. 28

context evaluation 57,58,59,65,196

basic emotions 73,80,96,170,195

context information 80,96,

before, actors' emotions 150

control precedence 7°,72,83,9°,93,151,
'9 6

behavioral expression 57,60,72,83
believability, see credibility
Binet, A. I05
Bloch, S. I07
Boiten, F. I07
bourgeois drama (dram~ bourB~ois) 30,

Ill,

156

controllability (lack of) 64, 66, 67,68,82,
89,155,196
conviction, convincing, power ofpersuasion 48,70, 77,84, 88, 92, 156
Coqueiin, B.C. 30,49
core components 64,82, 196

'7'

Boysen, K. 39,49

core process (ofemotion) 57, 58

Brecht, B. 39,4°,46,48, SI

conelation 129

Brook, P. 41,43,46,49, SI, 53

correspondence 129,138
creativity 50

calculating, 'cool calculation' 31,40,50

credibility, believability 39,47,48, 75, 88,

Carlson, M. 19

9 6 ,98 ,14 2 ,143
critical reflection 39, 40

challenge 67,68,69,70,72,150,151,152,
155, 16 9
character behavior 160

Csikszentmihalyi,

character typology 28

declamatory rules 26

character-emotions 34,59,72,76,80,82,

deism 28

Il2, 127-130, 152, 154, 160, 166, 193,
'9 6
characteristic facial expressions 152,154

M.

68,109,

IIO

demand character 64, 66, 67,71, 154, 196
depelsonalization 10!
design (shaping) 75,76,155,161

charactel-situations 58

design aspects 161

chalacter-tendencies 83,113,153,155
Chekhov, M. lOl

detachment theory 39,40,41,46, Il2, II3,

Clairon, H. 24,25,29,34
classical acting style 27
classical oratory (declamation rules) 26,

,65

131,159, 161,195,197
diaphragm 28,165
Diderot, D. IS, 22, 23, 27,31,46,47, 53,
164, 16 5

cognitive complexity I09

difficulty 64,65,66,82,89,197
difficulty ofthe subject matter 114

cognitive theory ofemotion 56, 77, 196

dilemma ofthe actor 21,30,31,32,33,45,

coherency 129

'95
discipline 42,43,50
discrepancy IQI,156

Comidie Fran\ai5e 26
competence 61

'"

INO£X

displacememofthe problem 45

evalutation ofresearch method 147

doctrine ofthe humors 28

excitation-transfer-effect 99

double consciousness z8, 36, 41, 44, 45,
46,79,101, 105,197

excited (emotional upset) 66, 140
expectations, general III

dramatic context 58

experience (sensation, perception) 72,75

dramatic situation(s) 58, 81, 89, 102

experimental theater forms 18,96, 161

drume bour,gwis 27
drive (see also challenge) 90

expression 94,95, 98
expressions oftask-emotions 72,154,156

Dumesnil, M.-F. 24,25,29,34

expressive instrument 48,49,160,161

eighteenth century 24, 170

facial expression 57,73,83,96

Ekman, P. 73,97,98
Emmet, A. 49, 50

factors difficult to control 147, 148

emotion paradox 13

familiarity 64,66,67,83,89,197

emotion process during acting 91,160

favorite 120,141

emotion process, model of 57, 58, 91

field study, -research r7, 103, 104, Ill, 147,

emotion theory 27,56,58,59,168
emotion, categories of II9
emotion, ofthe actor during performance
II6,15 0
emotion, words connoting 98, u6, Il9
emotion 56,59,72,126,127- 139, 150, 151,
160, r97
emotional behavior 76, 80
emotional experience (subjective perception) 56,57,58,75
emotional expression 96,162

failure 67,68, ISO, 156

'48
nature of- 47
film actors, screen- 141,142,149,158,173
film and television acting 17,158
flow 68,69,70,72,150,156,197
French 18th century acting styles 26
Freriks, K. & Rijnders, G./. 30,92
Frijda, N.H. 56,57,58,59,85,96,97,168,

,6,
function oftask-emotions 154
functionality 56,77,88, 154

emotional infection 87,99,105
emotional layers 33,161,197

Garrick 26

emotional memory 38,47

general human emotions 56, 59, 60

emotionalist 13,21,164

gesture ideograms 44,48

empathetic emotions 63,85, 86

goal orientation 77,151,155

empathy 85,86,197,198
empirical (research with actors) 16

Goffman, E. 62,94

energy 50,77

Grotowski,)". 33,41,42,43,44,49,5°,69,

Enlightened emotions 27

gravity 57,176

,8

Enlightenment 27
environmental theater 42,43

Hamlet 8z, 83, 91
Hammond, r. & Edelman, R.J. 106,109

epic theater 4°,46

happening 42,43,46

Esslin, M. 43,53
estheticconcerns 61,63,78

heartbeat 74, lO8, 109

entities H4, lIS

evaluation 57, 58, 59, 64, r96, r99 (see also
relevance -, context -, urgency-)

'"5

Hess, U. & Kleck, R.E. 94,97,98
Het Zuide!ijk Totterl 18
Hogendoorn, W. 45

hypotheses Ill, Il2, Jl3, II4

Lang, P.J. 87
layers offeeling lIS

ideal style 149

lazams, R.S. 74,76,95

identification 38,84, 85, 88, 105, lO7, 197,

leading characters (major roles) 18,81

'9 8
illusion 38,39,49,5°, SI, lO3, 154, 156,

levels ofenactment 33,34, SI, 54, 60, 160,

162, 16 3

161, 198
limiting the subject 17

illusion ofspontaneity 103,156,161,162

livingTheater 43,46

illusionistic 46

loss offace 62

image (self-) 61,62

lulu 32

imagination (imagining) 79,85,86,93,95

lying, false 97, 168

imagined emotions 93,94,171
imitation 98

Maatschappij Diswrdia 18

immersing oneself 86

main questions (hypotheses) Il2,129

impersonation, representation 79,87,91,

Martin, M. 62,87

98

measurement ofacting styles 1I7, 149

improvisation 41,42

measurementofemotion I16,I49

impulse (action tendency) 57,71,83,9°,

Medea 32,81,82,83,86,91

96,137,138,139,193,19 8
inner model, imagined model, see also

mere excitement 152
method acting 37,84,148,198

modele ideal 23,33,38,41,44,47,49,

method of research 105, 1l4, 147, 148

54,160,161,166,198

Meyerhold, Vs. 40,46, 167

inspiration 33,50
intended emotions 33, 59, 72, II 3, 127,

micro momentary facial expressions
(MMEs) 107

13°,153,19 8
intensity 57, 72, 82, 93, I17, 150, 151, 176

mimicry (imitating) 86, 87

involvement (involving) 36, 37, 52, 84, 85,

modde ideal (inner model) 23,24,29,30,

88,9°,92,95,131,159,17°,198

misleading 97,162,168

33,47, 160, 166, 198

involvement hypothesis lO8
involvement, aspects of 157, 159

natural 26,29

involvement, style of 36,37,84

nature 29

involvement, theory of 36,79,112, II3, 159

norm 149

TIVing, H. 3°,1°5
Ivovan Hove 18

object ofemotion 85
objectivity 64,65,81,82,89,93

Jackson, LM. & latane, B. 75,108

oratory, classical (rhetoric) 26,27

]ames Lange theory 56
Paradoxe sur11 comidien 13, IS, 21, 22, 23, 24,
Kepke, A.N. 106

29, 31, 34, 47, 103, 105, 164, 165

Kihlstrom, J.F. lOl

Paradoxe sur le wmidien, arguments in 2l

Kirby, W. 53

Paradoxe SIlT le wmidien, historical perspec-

Konijn, EA 14,74,108,1°9
Koriat, A. 86

tive 24
Paradon sur le romidien, summary of 22
parallel 39,41

,,'

INDEX

participating actors 124, u5

public, see audience

peak performance 70

public speaking 62

performer 41,43,44,48
peripheral feedback theory 98,107,198

questionnaire 105, II4, u6, I17, 124, 149

Perkey, S.D. 110

questionnaire, research 104, Ill, 113

persistence 71

questionnaire, srructureof 117, 118

persDnal data uo
personal situations 150

radiance 50,52,7°,156,159,161

personality traits, - characteristics 68, 109,

reality 64,65,81,82,89,93,151,163,199
recognition, recognize 96,155,171

HO

phonetic features 73
physical reactions rI9, 137, I39, 140, 194
physiological activation 74,98,139,162
physiological change(s) 57,72, 99
physiological phenomena 74,76,100,107,

'3 8

regulated 59,95
regulation (mechanism, process) 58,59,
75,199
rehearsal 23,27,31,159,161,163
rehearsal period 47,52,9°,106,156
relational activity 100

physiological reactions 98,103,107

relative interpreration 158

Piet, S. 62

relevance evaluation 57,59,64,199

pleasure 149,154,163

reluctant 71,150
remembering (see also scenes chosen) u6,

pleasure in acting, see also pleasure 149,

u8

150,158
Polti, G. 80

repeatability 38,48,49,102

PoorTheater 42

reputation 62

population Il5

research method, see method of research

portrayed emotion 59

research population II4, I15, 147

posed expressions 96,97

research questions I1r, u6

premiere rI8

respondents (participating actors) U5,1I6,

preparation (rehearsal) 142,158,159

!I7, u5, 147

presence 42,44,49,5°, SI, 52, 70, 77, 151,
156,161,162

Rjinders, G.J. 30,78, 9;t

pretended emotions 95,100

risk 68,89,150,156

private emotions 34,38,4°,59,9°,143,

Roach, J.R. 28, r65

159,198
private person 33,59,160

Rovit,R.L·39,47,49

problematic terms 29,34
professional 58

Sartre, J.P. 56,95,100
satisfaction ofinterests (concerns) 88,154

professional actors 104,107, 1l0, Ill, II3,

scenes chosen u5, I26, 148

124,134
professional emotions 144

response 147, I75

scenes chosen, features of I24, u6

professional experience lIS, 124

Schachter, S. & Singer, J.E. 98,99
Schalzky, H. 106,108

prototypical emotions 80,96, Il2, rI9, 152,

Schechner, R. 19,41

,,8

Schoenmakers, H. 59,85,168

psychological approach 16,107

score 43,48, l6l, 199

psycho-physiological acting method 107

second nature 48,49, 102

"7

self-expression 41,42,44,46,81, Il2, 161,

task-emotions, function of 154,161
task-emotions, use of 154,155

167,199
self-image 105
self-object-dissolution 85,93
sensation seeking (need for sensation) 62,

technical design (see also acting styles,
aspects of) 160
technical skills 48, 161
tendency (action tendency, urge, impulse)

68
sensibilite' 29

70,71,137, I38

shaping, see design

tension 52,53,77,108,15°

Shields, SA

tension while acting 108, 150

100

simulation 95

tension. level of 74

sincerity 95,162,168

social roles 57, 94
social sharing 151

The Miser 47
theaterform 53,159,161
theaterpractice 17,18,1°3,157,158,161
theory, development of 18, 150, 163
threat 155
Toneel,groepAmswdam 4,19,32,78

source concerns 61,199

top actors 120,14°,141,149,158

spontaneity 49,5°,51,93,96,103,162
spontaneous emotional expressions 96,

trance 41,85,93

situational components 80,81,88,89
skills 47,160
social intention 94

97,9 8,15 1

transforming (reshape) 90,91,155
typical character-emotions 80,153

spontaneous emotions 93,151
stage fright 52,75,1°7,151,199

unmask 46,48

Stanislal'sky, K. 37, 49, 52, 77, 81, 84,101,

urge 57,71

,66

urgency 64,65,66,82,89,199

step out procedule 107
Strasberg, L. 32,37,46,47,52,53

valence 64,66,67,82,89,155,200

stress 62,74,108,15°,151

values 81,170

subdued leactions 140

Verbeek, Th. 29,165

surface concerns, see also concerns 61, 199

W~fiYmdun,g

Szondi, P. 26,27

Villiers, A. 31,45,52,74,1°7,108

4°,41,48

vocal indications 171
talisman 77, 100
Tan, E.S.H. 70,86

Wallbott, H.G. 96

target group 115,147
target group criteria 115

Wayne-Smith, R. 106

task concerns 61,63

w-questions 38,47

Weisweiler, H. 74,108,109

task requirements (- demands) 69, 89, 101,

,60

Zajonc, R.B. 87,97

task situation 58,60,71,75,88,91
task tension 52,75
task-emotion theory 103,112,154,159,
160, ,61, 163, 199
task-emotions 34,51,52,61,76,91,103,
Ill,

1I9, 134, 144, 147, 150, 151, 154

,,'

Zuckerman, M. 63

About the Author

ElIy A. Konijn (1959) studied several years in practically oriented acting schools to
become an actress. Since Ig8r, she studied Psychology, Theater Studies and Social
Scientific Computer Sciences at the University ofAmsterdam, while working in several
fields oftheater practice. In June 1988 she got her Master's degree (in Dutch: Drs., 'Old
Style') in Psychology Cum Laude and continued as an assistant researcher at the Department ofTheater Studies at Utrecht University in the Netherlands. In collaboration
with the Faculty ofPsychology (University ofAmsterdam) she studied acting emotions
onstage, which resulted in her PhD thesis in June 1994. The thesis was published by
BOOM in Amsterdam, entitled Actors Actin,g Emotions, shaping emotions on st08e ftom psy(holo8im! perspective. In 1997 she wrote an upgraded version in collaboration with Astrid
Westerbeek: Actin8 and Emotions. Since 1995 ElIy Konijn also studies, as a postdoctoral
researcher, the perception and emotional experiences ofspectators while watching fictional characters in theater, film, or television. She published several articles and she
lectures on the relationships between emotions of actor, character, and spectator. For
instance, she was a keynote speaker at the FIRTjIFTR world-congress in Moscow 1994.
She also lectures on psychological approaches towards the field ofTheater, Film, and
Television Studies, not only theoretically but about the empirical research methods as
well. At present she works as a postdoctora! researcher for the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) in The Hague, hosted at the Vrije University in
Amsterdam, and she is an associate professor at the department ofTheater, Film, and
Television Studies at Utrecht University.

°

"9